Archiv der Kategorie: Humanitäres Inland

Humanitäres in der Schweiz

Species extinctions & pandemics: Will we survive or are we the next endangered species?

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography .

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

Australia, Queensland, Daintree Eco-Lodge & Spa, Award Winner, Gourmet-Restaurant Australien, Queensland, Daintree Eco-Lodge & Spa, eine der weltbesten Lodges Aborigines, Ureinwohner, Regenwald,Gourmet-Restaurant, Yoga, Wellness

The Earth is suffering from three diseases: Species extinction, climate change and pandemics! This is as if the patient had liver cirrhosis, heart failure and kidney insufficiency at the same time. Consequently, there will be many complications: Even more wars, diseases, conflicts, natural disasters and civil wars if we do not get the population growth under control. Food shortages, distribution struggles and migration flows can already be seen as a consequence. If we do not change our behavior, it is very likely that the end of humanity is near and our population will largely collapse. This will not be the end of evolution, but certainly the end of an era as we know and love it! And it is also not excluded that with the big species extinction also our species will be wiped out to a large extent and the human being will become the planetary history.

The human being has raged on the planet earth and will ruin it soon completely. First we have wiped out the Pleistocene fauna in North America and in South America, then in Australia the large giant marsupials and birds, and when man populated Polynesia, the large megafauna elements disappeared all the way to New Zealand. When these are missing, it also has an impact on the entire fauna and flora. For example, in the last 10,000 years we have destroyed about half of the earth’s natural forest cover and altered the biosphere to the point that entire animal populations have been wiped out. Whereby the Red Lists show only a fraction, barely ten percent, of the species described, let alone of all species living on Earth. In other words, the 800 species that have been shown to have become extinct in the past 500 years do not represent the number of animals and species that have disappeared or are currently disappearing. We are losing many species in the last remaining primary forests long before we even discovered and scientifically described them.

Today we know that 78 percent of flying insects have declined in 40 years. In the near future, we will lose about one million species. First we changed vegetation and wildlife with agriculture and resource extraction, then we poisoned into the geosphere, first with CFCs, now with greenhouse gases. What do we need to do to stop the destruction of our planet? Well we would have to take a whole series of drastic measures. The pandemic gives us a foretaste of what awaits us, or rather, at the end of 2020, Switzerland should have taken stock of where it stands with regard to the protection of its biodiversity, to review the objectives achieved both in the Swiss biodiversity strategy and the global biodiversity convention: it says: „The conservation status of populations of National Priority Species will be improved by 2020 and extinction prevented as far as possible.“ But among birds alone, partridge, snipe, curlew, red-headed shrike and ortolan are extinct or present in tiny numbers as breeding birds by the end of the decade. Switzerland is on track for only one target of the biodiversity strategy, and that is forest biodiversity. For one third of the targets, the result is lower, for one third no progress can be seen, and for the last third, developments are going in the opposite direction. The picture is also almost congruent with the national strategy for the „Aichi“ biodiversity targets, which were agreed in 2010 as part of the Biodiversity Convention: Switzerland is on track for only one-fifth. For 35 percent of the targets, however, there is no progress at all.

The Swiss flora was one of the richest and most diverse in Europe. However, more than 700 plant species are considered to be threatened with extinction. Researchers from the „University of Bern“ and the Data and Information Center of the Swiss Flora have analyzed the results with the help of 400 volunteer botanists and visited and verified over 8000 old known sites of the 713 rarest and most endangered plant species in Switzerland between 2010 and 2016. This unique treasure trove of data has now been analyzed by the „University of Bern and the results published in the scientific journal „Conservation Letters“. In their „treasure hunt“, the botanists often came up empty-handed – 27% of the 8024 populations could not be recovered.

Species, which are classified by experts as most endangered, even lost 40% of their populations in comparison to the findings from the last 10 – 50 years. These figures are alarming and impressively document the decline of many endangered species in Switzerland. Particularly affected are plants from so-called ruderal sites – areas that are under constant human influence. The affected plant species include the marginal vegetation of agriculturally used or populated areas. These populations showed losses more than twice as large as species from forests or alpine meadows. The intensification of agriculture with a large use of fertilizers and herbicides, but also the loss of small structures such as rock piles and field margins are particularly affecting this species group. Plant species of water bodies, banks and bogs are similarly affected. Here, too, the causes are home-made, according to the researchers: water quality losses due to micropollutants and fertilizer pollution from agriculture, the loss of natural river dynamics due to river straightening, the use of rivers as a source of electricity, or the draining of moorland.

In Germany, 80,000 measurements were carried out by interdisciplinary working groups from Germany, Austria, Switzerland and the Netherlands as part of the „Jena“ experiment. They had sown different numbers of plant species on more than 500 experimental plots, ranging from monocultures to mixtures of 60 species. In addition to plants, all organisms occurring in the ecosystem were studied – in the soil and above it. In addition, the material cycles of carbon, nitrogen and nitrate and also the water cycle over the entire period of 15 years. In this way, the scientists were able to demonstrate how species diversity affects the capacity of the soil to absorb, store or release water. The Jena experiment showed for the first time how much the nitrogen cycle of a soil depends on many factors such as species diversity, microbiological organisms, the water cycle and plant interaction.

Species-rich meadows had higher productivity than species-poor meadows over the entire period of the „Jena Experiment“. Increased management intensity through additional fertilization and more frequent mowing achieved the same effect: if a farmer promotes and fertilizes certain species, he is on average consequently no more successful than nature. The biomass energy (bioenergy content) of species-rich meadows was significantly higher than that of species-poor meadows, but at the same time similar to many of today’s heavily subsidized species, such as Chinese reed. Species-rich areas had better carbon storage. The number of insects and other species was significantly higher. Interactions between species such as pollination occurred more frequently. Species-rich meadows transported surface water into the soil better. Species-rich ecosystems were more stable to disturbances, such as droughts or floods, than species-poor ecosystems.

In France, 80 percent of insects have been lost in the last 30 years. In Switzerland, the figure is about 60 percent, and in Germany, species loss is also dramatically high. In view of the rapid loss of biodiversity and the desolation of the cities, I have been asking myself for a long time why all the useless lawns in front of all rental and apartment buildings are not converted into gardens for inclined hobby gardeners and self-supporters among the residents, and especially the poorer people and those with a migration background and agricultural know-how could grow their food partly in front of the house. This would also counteract poverty a little and guarantee the survival of many families as well as be meaningful. Why should we all import food from Africa, China and Latin America when we could beautify our cities, increase biodiversity and counteract climate change with local cultivation. As soon as a blade of grass makes itself felt, the lawn robot is already there. Useless thuya hedges as far as the eye can see. Most people don’t know what to do with nature anymore. We should think about what our communities actually do with their communal areas. They create large cultivation structures instead of promoting small-scale, local cultivation.

The core problem we all face is that 80 million people are added to the population every year, and those just born now theoretically have a longer life expectancy, even in the developing world. By the end of the century, there will be eleven billion of us, so we will need even more living space and even more agriculture for food production. By totally transforming the earth’s surface for agriculture and feeding future generations, we are destroying the treasure troves of biodiversity for all eternity. It cannot be that we destroy alone with the cattle economy for the meat production whole species existence and important ecological systems irretrievably. A vegan diet is therefore becoming the supreme credo for the growing world population. And what about an even more important resource, drinking water? Through the use of pesticides, we are poisoning our drinking water, the rivers and the lakes – also in Switzerland. There is only one solution: to abandon pesticide-intensive cultivation and return to mixed crops, which have proven their worth over centuries and promoted biodiversity.

The palm oil industry has cut down more than half of the rainforest (the size of Germany) in the Indonesian provinces of Kalimantan and Sumatra in the last 30 years and is now starting to destroy the virgin forest on a grand scale in Papua New Guinea as well. The timber industry is happy about this, as are the oligarchy and the military. In the process, small farmers are inevitably expropriated, which is quite legal in Indonesia. The Indonesian parliament also recently passed a law that radically curtails national environmental, labor and social standards and provides for zero environmental impact assessments. Therefore, the progressively worded agreement is another illusory paper tiger that will lead to the worrying destruction of huge rainforest areas in Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea. With the free trade agreement with Indonesia, Switzerland would legitimize this state of affairs and once again declare the completely insufficient eco-labels as standard.

A radical societal paradigm shift is necessary         

The Global climate change will dried out many regions around the globe and leave them with dramatic water-shortage

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography .

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

According to „Copernicus“, the decade from 2011 to 2020 was globally the hottest year since measurements began. In Europe, too, but especially in the Arctic, record values of up to six degrees above average were recorded in the period from 1981 to 2010. In 2020, the high temperatures are particularly extreme, as they occurred without an El Niño effect in the previous year. 2021 should see another temperature increase as a result of the La Nina effect, and this is despite the fact that we have now had a Covid-19 year of very limited air travel. CO2 increases are also certain to continue. The Arctic will continue to melt and if it comes to the „worst case“ scenario and the Atlantic roll stops moving as it has been, we are looking at dark times.

In view of the unfortunate fact that after more than 30 years of dithering and hesitating, denying and refusing, watching the destruction and looking the overwhelming facts almost inactively in the eye, living in the consciousness and with the bad conscience of doing even more overexploitation than ever before, each of us must now take the reins into our own hands and make substantial contributions. „Reduce to the max“ is the motto. In other words, reduce resource consumption at all levels. We are all in the same boat. Covid has impressively demonstrated this to us. There is no more time to lose. Therefore, it is only right that the climate movement and climate youth overtake or outflank the Greens on the left and demand a much faster and more consistent approach. Covid-19 is costing us trillions. Add a few trillion to transform the economy and we would have gained enormously.

We desperately need to avoid more pandemics, so any investment would be worth it. It is up to each of us to contribute to this, but it can no longer be done without drastic steps on an unprecedented scale. Long-established lifestyles will have to change dramatically. For example, in consumer behavior: less meat consumption, less packaging, less transportation and work, use ecological means of transport and promote bio-diversified, local cultivation everywhere, etc. In agriculture, drastically reduce pesticides and herbicides and create incentives for organic farming and consistently apply water protection. All subsidies for fossil energy production must be discontinued, and in air travel a high fuel tax must be introduced across the board, thus significantly reducing air travel. In the business world, introduce carbon footprint accounting in companies everywhere, promote sustainable building technology in construction, and take charge of the greening of cities. Meadows instead of green spaces, avoid soil sealing and in forestry, cultivate mixed-age and mixed-species forests.

Although 2020 saw a revival of the „Paris Coalition of High Ambition“ at the first virtual United Nations climate change summit, where 75 nations committed to the goal of „net zero“ emissions. Most nations are aiming for the goal by 2050. So far, however, only 75 of 197 nations have submitted new or increased climate targets. But only the UK and the EU have substantially increased their targets. For all other states, the ambitions are low. Far too low for the goals of the Paris climate agreement ever to be achieved. As a result, the „Coalition for Carbon Neutrality“ proclaimed by UN Secretary-General Antonio Gutierrez has a good 65 percent of the world’s CO2 emissions at its disposal, which could still rise if the financial pledges for the green climate fund of 100 billion Swiss francs per year are advanced. The key instrument is the carbon price, which is also recognized by the EU and is to rise steadily until 2030. In 2015, Nobel economics laureate William Nordhaus proposed the creation of a climate club that would draw mutual benefit from the sharing of climate protection and exclude free riders, as this is the only way to get out of the „prisoner’s dilemma.“

The coalition of the willing should concede the greatest possible benefits and advantages for its members. In this way, it would be possible to counteract the problem of benefits without making efforts and contributions of one’s own. The capital market would also be well advised to invest in sustainable and green products and resources and to rapidly phase out coal.  For UN Secretary General Guttierez, this is an important step forward, but it is still not enough. We must not forget that the world is still on track for a global temperature rise of more than three degrees, which would be tantamount to a catastrophe, he said. In other words. We are still traveling at 180 kmh in terms of fossil fuel consumption.

A reduction in speed is needed. The Corona pandemic in particular has shown what is possible and can be mobilized in extraordinary situations. Patient Earth is lying in the intensive care unit, gasping for breath. It is high time to act and to implement drastic measures. For the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Current (AMOC) has also dramatically lost strength in recent decades. The ocean current is also known as the Gulf Stream and carries mild temperatures up to the Channel Islands, Ireland and Great Britain, further towards the Netherlands to western Germany and Scandinavia in the higher water levels even in winter. The Gulf Stream system moves almost 20 million cubic meters of water per second, about a hundred times the Amazon current,“ says Stefan Rahmstorf, a researcher from the „Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research“ on the importance of this climate system (PIK). is the initiator and co-author of a study published in spring 2021 in the journal „Nature Geoscience“.

Butterfly Effect: Hedge Funds, the Drivers of Wars and Climate Change

Let’s face it, financial markets are at the center of the economy, determining commodity and food prices around the world and dictating what happens around the globe. Hedge funds are the bane of food and water and commodity capitalism at its purest. Let’s take a closer look: In 2008, food and commodity prices rose sharply even though the world was in recession after the financial crisis. This shows that prices rose due to speculation and not due to increased demand. What started as the flap of a butterfly’s wings on Wall Street in 2010 went on to cause riots, wars and global refugee crises. The flapping of wings was triggered by then President Bill Clinton and National Bank President Alan Greenspan with the Commodity Modernization Act, i.e. the liberalization of markets that had been strictly regulated since the 1930s and limited the number of speculators. But from now on, anyone could speculate in commodities and food without limits.

As a result, the financial markets licked blood and Wall Street and hedge funds dictated events in the most vicious way. In the same year, Russia’s wheat crop was down more than 30 percent due to climate change and drought. Wall-street speculated on a shortage of supply and drove up the price of wheat by 50 percent, which led to the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt because Egypt imported nearly 80 percent of its wheat from Russia. A rapid increase in food prices and a small increase in oil prices inevitably leads to conflicts and armed conflicts, scientists and mathematicians also noted.

Thus, in 2011, wars degenerated in Libya after the fall of Gaddhafi as well as in the Iraq war, both leading oil exporting states, fueling further conflicts in the region and triggering a conflagration that swept the entire Orient. So, too, did the unending war in Syria. This was triggered in turn by hedge funds and speculators on Wall Street and in London. They drove up the oil price massively because they were speculating on export losses. The butterfly’s wings have fluttered here, too, and so the deregulated markets have become an engine of chaos.

This speculation and the developments in the oil states also had even more far-reaching consequences. Due to the enormous rise in the price of petrodollars, Russia and Saudi Arabia, but also Venezuela, came to immense wealth and increased their military budgets and police forces either to suppress revolts at home or for further offensives. Russia in Syria, in Ukraine, and most recently in Crimea. In the case of Saudi Arabia, war came to a head in Yemen and in many other regions in the conflict between Shiites and Sunnis, meanwhile Iran, infiltrated the Middle East in its own way and pumped it full of its crude ideologies, weapons and fighters. The rise in oil prices was also the beginning of doom for Venezuela, which perished from the resource curse. Here, too, the speculators were ultimately the trigger and responsible for the streams of refugees from Latin America to the USA and from Africa and the Orient to Europe.

Climate change: How do we meet the epochal challenge?

Airshot of Hardy Reef, Great Barrier Reef, Brisbane, Queensland

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography.

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

Policy failures: „Chronology of good intentions“ and decades of failure         

2021 showed again, the Corona Pandemic is Pipifax in comparison, what rolls on mankind and in the soon 50 year old knowledge about the harmful CO2 emissions for our planet, is merrily continued, more and more thoughtlessly consumed, resources wasted, fauna and flora and the habitat of millions of people destroyed. Already President Nixon warned in the 70s of the dramatic consequences (one of his few rays of hope) and the first „IPPC“ report of 1990 warned of the consequences of our unbridled overexploitation. There is no need to be a crazy doomsday prophet anymore, today’s scientific findings and the knowledge of how lamely we react to the threat allow no other conclusion than that our species has reached the end age. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, there are two horror scenarios: One is a two-meter rise in sea level by the end of the century, depending on how fast the Antarctic ice sheet continues to melt. Another is the collapse of the Atlantic Overcurrent Current (AMOC), which has already weakened. It distributes cold and warm water in the Atlantic and influences, for example, the monsoon in Africa and Asia, which is important for billions of people. The collapse of the Gulf Stream would also have a serious impact on Europe. If emissions remain the same until 2050, the temperature at the end of this century would be 2.1 to 3.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels. If CO2 emissions were to double by mid-century, the temperature could rise by up to 5.7 degrees. And unfortunately, this is how things will continue. After all, the U.S. government’s Energy Information Administration (EIA) calculated in 2019 that CO2 emissions will rise from around 36 billion metric tons a year today to more than 42 billion metric tons by 2050 as a result of the industrialization of many countries, which is only just beginning. China produces the most greenhouse gas, about a quarter of the total, ahead of the U.S. at 18 percent and the EU at 17 percent. The proportion of CO2 emissions that are absorbed in sinks such as forests or oceans and do not remain in the atmosphere is about 44 percent, according to the report.

In 1997 the third report of the „IPPC“-climate council came out and what was outlined and proved there, exceeded all the horror scenarios and the extent of destruction by far that I had already noticed since 1993! The report should change also my activity lastingly. From then on, I refrained from the many air and long-distance trips and concentrated more on local destinations that could be reached by train. In 1999, I founded the „Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland“ in Samedan together with Gisela Femppel, an editor of the „Südostschweiz“ and with my professional colleague Heinz Schmid, which was also supported by the famous tourism director of St. Moritz, Hansruedi Danuser. The NGO was domiciled at Samedan Airport, because at that time I was living up there in the fantastic Upper Engadin, during the winter of the century and the following two years, because I had moved from Zurich to the Engadin with my girlfriend Eve, an enthusiastic snowboarder, after the separation from the mother of my daughters. In the Engadin high valley I could regularly roam on horseback through the snow-covered forests of the alpine slopes and for the first time in my life also ride through the drifting snow and the untouched white splendor.

For the „Tourismus & Umwelt Forum Schweiz“ (Swiss Tourism & Environment Forum) I created a web portal that linked scientific facts, environmentally relevant NGO projects, responsible authorities such as the „Bundesamt für Umwelt“ (BUWAL), international organizations and critical media reports with sustainable travel offers and tips for environmentally conscious travelers. For three years I served as managing director and president for this environmental organization and set some accents in Graubünden with traveling exhibitions on the topic of „Climate Change in the Alps“ with a „Rail-Expo“ traveling exhibition of the Rhaetian Railway, three rail cars that were stationed in Davos, St. Moritz, Samedan, Pontresina and six other alpine locations in Graubünden and sent out the first warning signals. Members of the „Tourism & Environment Forum“ at that time were the „BUWAL/FLS“, the Swiss National Park, the „Biosphere Reserve Entlebuch“, the „Research Institute for Leisure and Tourism“ of the University of Bern and the „Europa-Institut“ in Basel, but also the newly launched car rental company „Mobility“ and „Toyota“ with the first hybrid vehicle, the „Prius“, along with some transport associations, hotels and media. Three train wagons were stationed at the train stations in six Graubünden locations for 14 days each. In addition, we organized a live concert to kick off each exhibition. The „Tourism & Environment Forum“ was also present at the annual vacation fairs in Zurich and Berne with presentations and exhibitions. Travel more consciously, experience more, destroy less, was the motto for travelers, in order to bring about the necessary CO2 reduction measures and an energy transition at home as well, was the goal.

„This was the first long-term institutional „Corporate Social Responsibility“ commitment of my own press agency in this country! After all, I had already been privately and journalistically involved in a number of wildlife projects and humanitarian missions abroad. At that time, I published numerous environmentally critical publications and commentaries, such as „A Requiem for the Coral Reef“ in the „Mittelland-Zeitung“ or „In the diver’s paradise Maldives, a time bomb is ticking“. In the commentary I wrote the following: „It is not El-Nino who is to blame. It is the human being who progresses too far. Alarm bells are ringing around the globe. Central America has been devastated and set back decades. The coral world in the equatorial belt is threatened or already largely destroyed, the oceans polluted, the animal world wiped out here and there, the Alps built up and spoiled“. In 1997, in response to the IPPC climate report, I wrote in „Südostschweiz“ about climate change in the Alps under the title „Keiner kommt ungeschoren davon – Alpen von der Klimaerwärmung besonders hart betroffen“.

In the magazine „Touring“ and in the „Brückenbauer“, both media with million reader public appeared further critical reports of me, which resounded far beyond Switzerland, since I interviewed the „UNEP“ director Klaus Töpfer, the head of the UN environmental organization as well as with Michael Iwand, at that time director environmental management with „TUI“ (tourism union international) and Iwand Widerpart of the „German environmental assistance“ and the nature protection federation and at the ITB the largest tourism trade fair in Berlin intervened to take the topic on the agenda. Prof. Hansruedi Müller of the „Research Institute for Leisure and Tourism“ (FIF) also pleaded for „more heart-liners than hard-liners“. From this and the following experiences and examples, one can confidently say that the „Corporate Responsibility Initiative“ accepted by the people and the popular majority rejected by the cantons will now also lead to much more paper without effect and will remain toothless. Once again, Switzerland and the corporations that dominate it have failed to live up to their global responsibilities. To our shame and against our belief in progress, we have not come one step further in the last 30 years. On the contrary. The footprint has become larger and we have made it to 4th place of the environmental offenders.

So I addressed this urgent climate appeal to the Swiss politicians and population more than 30 years ago and to the „world public“ at the „ITB“ in Berlin and already stated at that time: „The drastic trail of devastation left by industrialized man and the (un)civilized tourist is mostly carried out on the hump of the 3rd world nations and is becoming more and more dramatic. But we here in the Alps are also particularly affected by climate change. The temperature rise is expected to be much higher than the world average and the glaciers are melting just like the biodiversity. We can no longer stand idly by and watch this happen, I said to myself, and from then on I also gave up a car or a motorcycle and committed myself to the expansion of the rail infrastructure and bicycle paths. Also in my function as president of the Swiss Tourism & Environment Forum. I gave critical speeches about my own travel industry, which was urged to do more for the environment and against the enormous damage caused by air traffic and excessive mass tourism, which won me more enemies than friends. Tourism propagandists were not happy to see the global impact of their business model increasingly criticized. I emphatically challenged the travel agency association to do more than just pay the usual lip service. But what happened was that, in the words of Greta von Thunberg, „When there’s a fire, people often rub up against the fire alarm instead of putting out the fire.“ I too felt like saying „I want you to panic“ inside.

Authorities everywhere were then, as now, in a state of enforcement emergency. Whether it is compliance with the Clean Air Ordinance, noise levels to protect the public, international agreements to reduce CO2 emissions, or the fulfillment of declarations of intent and objectives such as „Agenda 21“, the „Charta of Lanzarote“, or the „Declaration of Crete“, wherever we look, we find that none of the objectives have come close to being met. „The crux is that while the need for environmentally and socially responsible tourism is undisputed, still not much is happening,“ which I criticized harshly in the presentations and reports at the time as president of the „Tourism & Environment Forum.“ The tour operators, above all the three big ones „Kuoni Reisen“, „Hotelplan“ and „Tui Reisen“ hardly cared about water and energy supply and waste management on site, which led to devastating pollution of beaches and seas especially on the Maldives and other islands. An investigation by the „Higher School of Tourism“ (HFT) concluded at the time that the „Declaration of Crete remained a dead paper tiger“! And the greenwashing continued unchanged but inflationary from then on. We have already reached certain climate tipping points in some places around the world, some scientists agree. The precious, vital treasures of our earth are disappearing at the speed of light. Every four seconds, forests the size of a soccer field are cut down around the world – including or primarily for soy or palm oil plantations. The destruction of rainforests by slash-and-burn in the Amazon, Congo, and Indonesia

account for eleven percent of global CO2 emissions! Biodiversity is declining rapidly, with up to 150 plant and animal species disappearing from the earth every day. The more natural habitats shrink, the greater the risk of viruses spreading from animals to humans. Corona is the most recent example. Ebola, dengue, Mers, Sars, Zika, all these viruses have also been proven to be due to climate change and dwindling biodiversity. That’s why we need to be much more determined to protect natural habitats and crack down on wildlife trafficking and wildlife markets.

Brazil/Salvador de Bahia: In the Cauldron of Magical Slave Energy

Brasilien: Candomblé Ritual, Salvador de Bahia | Candomblé spiritual ritual
Brasilien: Candomblé Ritual in Salvador de Bahia | Candomblé spiritual ritual in Salvador de Bahia

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography .

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

During one of the first of a total of five trips to Brazil, after the Iguacu Falls, Rio de Janeiro, I also discovered Salvador de Bahia, the landing place of the Europeans and the first capital of Brazil. If you want to get to know the exotic facets of Bahian life, get ready for hot come-ons, cool rejections and delicious consolations, at least during Carnival. If you dive into the mystical world of the candoble and let yourself be overwhelmed by the overwhelming spirituality, you will leave the local world and fall into a trance to the point of ecstasy. A trip to Salvador de Bahia is like a departure to new shores. First of all, it is admirable how exhilarated the Baihanos go through life. Remarkable how they express their joy and sorrow.

The mystical world of gods and spiritual source of the Bahanos is reflected in the Candomble, which gave reason for the Christian mission, especially since Bahia was the starting point of the western explorers and conquerors. Not only the bastions along the coast testify to this. The roots of the slave tower are deeply anchored in the local culture. Especially the candomble spirituality, lived out in secret, bears witness to this. When hundreds of gospel singers resound with fervor, not only does the earth tremble, but the air in the far periphery also vibrates, as with an approaching hurricane. The psalm-singing Catholic boys‘ choir next door in the Sao Fransico monastery in the baroque old town district of Pelourinho really sounds rather pitiful.

Rarely does one discover such a playful people that has produced an incredible number of dance and musically gifted people. In Salvador de Bahia, the cradle of carnival and samba, there is no standing still or being stiff as a board. Everything is in flux, everyone is constantly on the move, more or less gracefully. Another Bahian specialty is capoeira, the martial art disguised as dance. Here, too, the graceful flowing movements are recognizable, flowing through the whole life and triggering impulses. But not only in expressing feelings also the body cult is on top of the agenda. In this the Bahianos hardly differ from the Cariocas. There is hardly an Adonis who does not present his athletically steeled body in his skimpy briefs. There is no woman who does not proudly walk around the beach in her Fio dental (tooth thread) bikini, flirting with her grace and freedom of movement. No wonder the church has sent more friars here than anywhere else in the world. In Salvador de Bahia alone, 165 houses of worship have been built.

In 2003, I was stationed in Fortaleza in northeastern Brazil for three months as a resident manager for a Swiss travel company and had a hell of a good time. Few guests, so no stress, a hotel room right on the Beira Mar (that’s like the Copacabana in Rio), and a good vehicle with which I could drive all the way to Jericoacoara to the fantastic sand dunes or south to Moro Branco. I was very attracted to the Brazilian lifestyle, music, language and cultures on previous trips, so I also learned a little Portuguese. Since I spoke Spanish well, it was easy for me to get started and I like the Brazilian dialects better than the harsh Spanish accents. I am also enchanted by the music of many Latin American sounds: from the tango in Argentina to the bossa nova of a Gilberto Gil in Brazil or the folk dance forro, as in Fortaleza, from the salsa and son in Cuba to the merengue in the Dominican Republic, all these musical styles and dance forms appeal to me very much.

In Fortaleza I lived during these three months as a Station Manager at Beira Mar, ideally located also for daily trips to the beautiful city beach Praia do futuro and at night to Praia do Iracema at the end of Beira Mar, where the tourist entertainment district with all the nightclubs was located, which was very convenient for the local tourist service. At the end of the three months, I was shipped off to Sinai, but after the six-month assignment in Sharm el Sheikh, I returned to Fortaleza unemployed because the tsunami had hit Asia and as a result all the travel companies needed fewer station managers and tour guides.

When I returned to Fortaleza, I lived for two months in the Serviluz favela with a friend who had a small brick house near Praia do Futuro and I felt quite comfortable there. Soon I knew a lot of people via Heldon and his friend Joaquin, and the neighbors in the favela also knew me, so I could move around freely there day and night. It was a comfortable time, because I had made good foreign exchange deals with the tourists in Sinai and before in Brazil. This was always a tolerable source of side income in this job. In Poland, I almost became a zloty millionaire. Then a friend from Switzerland visited me and we rented a „Highlux“, i.e. an off-roader, to drive up along the Brazilian coast from Fortaleza in the state of Céara via the states of Maranhão and Piaui to Manaus and to complete the return journey inland.

That’s a good 6000 kilometers we planned to cover in 11 days. The off-road driving was more comfortable than driving on the asphalt road, which was completely littered with holes, up to half a meter deep. The asphalt looked like it had been bombed over a wide area! Therefore, I often drove on the scree strip to the right of the roadway. There one comes basically faster ahead and whirled up strongly dust, which is to be seen already from a distance and prevents the accident danger. The journey went via Jericoacoara, with its fantastic dune landscape, which was surpassed in beauty by the crystal clear lakes in the sand dune landscapes in the next state of Maranhao. An extremely fascinating region! The deep blue Atlantic with lonely dream beaches to the left, a gigantic sand dune strip along the coast and inland the esmerad green jungle. The national parks of Jericoacoara and Lençóis Maranhenses on the Atlantic coast are unique biotopes.

I like deserts better than virgin forests. One gets on better. At least in 4×4. But even here, I would have been stranded without the help of the local fishermen, because on this trip numerous rivers had to be crossed. Except for one time it went quite well, but then we came to a river, which was shallow on our side first about 30 meters, then there was a small sand island in front of the place where the river flowed through a narrow, tearing mouth, like in a funnel. You could just make that out from 40 meters away, and it was probably the most dangerous part. „If I couldn’t cross the last ten meters after the tiny river island at full throttle,“ it would look bad, I thought.

And that’s exactly what happened. So I drove with a lot of speed through the 30 meters wide, shallow river towards the island, but got stuck there due to the slope and had too little momentum to cross the current channel with the ripping flow. and came to an abrupt stop with the engine hood stuck in the water at a 45 degree angle to three quarters. After a few hours, a couple of fishermen approached. Only thanks to a boat in the current channel that lifted the car a little and a car that pulled us back from behind with the wire rope over the shallow part of the river, we managed to get out of the river.

Another time, just as I was walking alone in the sweltering midday heat, I got stuck in deep quicksand. It took four hours, many drops of sweat and endless jerks for a few meters further. The sand was scorching hot, I shoveled like a madman for hours and didn’t think I would make it. But finally it worked out. And so the journey continued to Ilha do Maranhão, one of the largest alluvial areas in the world at the foothills of the Amazon. 800,000 buffalo populate the island, which belongs to only a few Hundert landowners who hardly employ any workers.

Where the animals pass in the dry season, a river course emerges in the rainy season. Thus, the fragile ecosystem and the thin layer of humus is destroyed in just a few years. Year after year, huge areas of virgin forest are being appropriated first for cattle breeding and then for intensive agriculture such as soy plantations. In the past 30 years, almost a quarter of the Amazon Delta has been destroyed. Yet the biodiversity here is unparalleled. In the Amazon alone there are over 2000 different fish. For comparison: In the whole of Europe there are just 150 species of fish. The same is true for all animal species, most of them are endemic.

The adventurous journey continued through the state of Piaui and from there we drove on to Manaus. Then again a good 3000 kilometers inland back to Fortaleza, where we visited the Gruta de Ubajara, Brazil’s largest caves with nine chambers and a depth of a good kilometer, at the Ubajara National Park, about 300 km west of Fortaleza. Now we come to the last and most special Brazil tripf Fortaleza.

2. Internationalization and Politicization

A huge demonstration of young, coloured, black and white people protesting against rassism and police brutality in Zürich City in times of Covid-19 Corona Pandemie

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography .

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

Senegal 86: Between the Fronts and in the World of Witches and Healers

Senegal is a world of spirits, witches, healers and soothsayers. Everything is very mystical. Curses are cast and people are bewitched, and somehow everyone is afraid of them. That’s why everyone wears a boubou, a lucky charm that is supposed to protect them. The dress cult is also legendary. The most beautiful, very colorful dresses and costumes are hawked in Dakar. The colorfully painted pirogues, the dugout canoes, line up on the beach in the hustle and bustle of fishermen and traders. As a means of transportation, there are minibuses that travel in all directions and stop wherever a passenger wants to get on or off. Dakar is an extremely vibrant metropolis. Day and night, because only from the evening hours the temperature is pleasant, while over noon it rises to 40 degrees. I was especially fascinated by the Silberschmid market. Here incredibly beautiful rings were made of horn, richly decorated with chased silver. Also exciting were the textiles and clothes for sale here. For the first time in my life, I chose the fabrics for my local color clothing myself, took them to the tailor and had the clothes tailored to my wishes and measurements.

In 1986, I was assigned as a station and tour manager first for three months in Senegal, then in Warsaw in Poland, i.e. in the then Eastern Bloc, and finally in London for another three months. During the first Resident Manager assignment in Senegal, there was a lull, as in Covid times, because „AIDS“ had just appeared on the radar and the medical community was still puzzling over where the virus came from and how it was transmitted. At first, it was thought to be transmitted by a fly from Africa, then monkey bites came into question. Therefore, there was not much going on in the „Club Aldiana“ near M’Bour. Also here in M’Bour, about four hours drive south along the coast, there was a magnificent fish market with bustling activity and magnificent pirogues. Here was also the „Club Aldiana“ where most of the guests stayed. But three times a week I drove up to the airport in Dakar with the vacation guests and brought the arriving guests down to the club. That was quite an adventurous trip each time.

Senegal is located on the Atlantic coast in the transition from the sparse vegetation of the Sahel in the north to the more fertile tropics in the south and is cut exactly east-west by a 300 kilometer deep gash that forms the territory of The Gambia. Thus, anyone wishing to enter Casamance from Dakar must inevitably pass through Gambia. This border between Gambia and Senegal makes it difficult to connect Senegal’s southwestern region of Casamance with the rest of the country. The most important people of Senegal are the Wolof and this is also the most common language among the many dialects. The Wolof founded several feudalistic kingdoms between the 15th and 19th centuries, and their traces are still visible in the country’s society today. Then there are the Serer, a Catholic peasant people in the center and west of Senegal, which is majority Islamic. The Djiola live in the south of the country, in Casamance, and are mainly rice farmers. The Mandinka, Bambara and Soninke are ethnic groups that have strong cross-border ties, especially to Mali. A multiethnic state, in other words. Due to the „AIDS“ crisis, which drastically reduced African tourism, I had time for a trip to the south of Senegal to the Casamance and also crossed Gambia. In a small town I rented a bungalow and walked around with my camera in the wilderness near the border and was suddenly stopped in the undergrowth by a troop of soldiers of the military of Guinea-Bissau and interrogated for hours. Since the commander spoke only Portuguese, it took me a while to learn that there was a conflict over the oil reserves in the border area between the two countries and I remembered a TV report a few days ago that exactly at that time the parties to the dispute were meeting in Geneva for negotiations. This was my lifeline and trump card, as a Swiss in this precarious situation. So I tried to make it clear to the commander that it would be extremely bad if they captured me and thus endangered the negotiations in Geneva. He understood and let me go unharmed thanks to my relatively generous donation. Relieved, I ran back to Casamance, that is, to Senegal. Once there, I had no more cash to pay the rent for the lodge. To do so, I had to travel a day’s journey away to Zuiginchor to change the traveler’s check. So I told the hotelier about the frontier experience and my donation, with the rent gone, and then ran exhausted to the bungalow to go to sleep first.

But it didn’t take long before two military jeeps drove up with a roar in front of the hut and eight soldiers got out, staring at their weapons. This time they were Senegalese soldiers, but that didn’t exactly reassure me. „You would have orders to escort me to the military governor,“ they said to me. „What’s going on now,“ I thought, trying to slow down the adrenaline rush. Half an hour later, I was sitting in front of the military commander, who questioned me about the border incident. He had been informed by the landlord and wanted to know more about it. „Shit“, I thought to myself, but today is an exhausting day, now the war diplomacy starts all over again. Now it’s a matter of playing everything down as much as possible and saying as little as possible, I thought to myself. I practiced this for a good four hours with the Senegalese commander, after which I was pretty exhausted. Two military interrogations in hostile countries in one day was a special test of endurance.

At the end of the mission in Senegal, which was overshadowed by the first AIDS and HIV cases, I invited my last guests in M’Bour to a Moorish cafe that also served Vielle Prune, a very fine plum brandy. An absolute rarity in Africa. My guests knew immediately which drink it was. With a smile, the man, who was a little over 50 years old, explained to me that he was the president of the board of the „Destillerie Willisau“ and that he produced and distributed this drink. So we were even more pleased about the next few drops and when the guest learned that I would be transferred to Warsaw, he said: „Oh, I know a very fine person and high-ranking politician, since we import the vodka from Poland“. So he wrote the name in question on a piece of paper and gave it to me for recommendation and contact. Thanks to this „liquor connection“ in Senegal, I had, without just suspecting it, drawn an ace for my next mission. as we are about to read after a contemporary discourse on Senegal as mna sees it today.

Senegal is a young, unemployed nation, with some 40 percent unemployed youth who fought a five-day violent protest in March 2021, attacking courts, police stations, city halls, pro-government media, politicians‘ homes and many francophone institutions. While young people are taking to the barricades against the corruption and incompetence of the government(s), almost half of the children do not attend school at all, and in remote regions as many as 70 % do. In terms of education policy, all governments have failed completely, including the French government. This is the basic problem. But the anger is also directed against the dependence on France, which is closely linked to France economically and also in terms of currency policy with the CFA. In the land of the „Teranga,“ which means hospitality in Wolof, there are almost 250 branches of French companies. For years, the corrupt politicians in Dakar have refused to give in to the repeated demands to finally end the neocolonial dependence. This is also the background of the Antiimperialist Pan-African Revolution (Frapp) of the activist Guy Marius Sagna.

Warsaw 86: In Pole Position Behind the Iron Curtain

Upon my arrival in Warsaw, where a „LOT“ commercial airliner had crashed 14 days earlier, killing about 140 people, I was able to speak with an elderly man who understood English and helped me with customs and immigration formalities for the 70 passengers from the West. When I thanked him for his help and asked his name, he replied, „My name is Henry Zwirko. That was the name on the piece of paper that the last guest in Senegal had given me. This could not be a coincidence, I thought intuitively, but at the same time I was busy with the passports and entry papers, which could probably drag on for hours, especially since I had arrived here in Warsaw as a newcomer behind the „Iron Curtain“ after a short briefing of a few hours in Switzerland. But the procedure was considerably shortened by the man who introduced himself as this Henry Zwirko, with a few gentle but firm words to the border official, and we were all able to pass. „OK,“ I thought to myself, the man is indeed promising. No wonder his influence reaches far, after all he is a Polish cabinet minister and his father a WW2 war hero. I already knew that much about him. But that I would meet this special man as soon as I arrived in Warsaw was quite eerie. In retrospect, my suspicions were confirmed that the Chairman of the Board had helped the meeting along a bit, thus opening the way for me into an extraordinarily closed world that many intelligence officers at the time, including our counterintelligence, would surely have envied.

In a very natural way, an excellent cooperation developed between Henry Zwirko and me. Since the official tourist exchange rate of Swiss francs and German marks was a good seven times higher than the black market rate offered in Warsaw, I soon got on the transfer bus once or twice a week with half a million zloty’s, which Henry got for me, with which we picked up the new guests from Zurich. And during the transfer from the airport to the hotels, I told the guests how laborious and dangerous the illegal exchange was and offered, as a good tour guide during the ride to the city center

to change 200 francs for each guest at a good rate. Business went like clockwork and the bus driver and the local guides always got off easy and then looked the other way at the right moment. And so I worked my way into the depths of corruption, complicity and planned economy and soon had money like hay or millions of zloty’s expressed in local currency.

Only, there was nothing to buy! Nothing at all, except booze and venal sex on every corner, outside the tourist hotels it was very dull, except for a few very secret places for the elite where all the goodies like a Chateau Briand or tartar and fresh juices were dished up. I was only three times in this illustrious place meant for Poland’s elite. But once, President Wojciech Jaruselski (the one-eyed man who defied the Russians) sat at one of the next tables with his entourage. For me, it was almost as if I had arrived in the Kremlin! Some years later I had an unexpected meeting with Gorbachev’s Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze in the sauna of a famous Medical Wellness Hotel with an outstanding sleep diagnostic center in Vorarlberg. Fortunately, or as chance would have it, I had a Russian-speaking Ukrainian woman with me as a photo model, so we were able to exchange a few words with him together. Obviously, the Russian Foreign Minister was plagued by insomnia symptoms! Probably due to the foreign policy tensions, because things were not going well for the Russians. But back to Warsaw; less than two weeks after my arrival in Warsaw and a first round trip in Poland to Krakow and Zakopane, the body specialists and forensic experts from abroad arrived to investigate the plane crash three weeks ago. As a result, our entire tour group, always around 50 to 70 people, was kicked out of the only middle-class hotel, the „Forum“ in Warsaw, from one hour to the next. From then on, we had to make do with lousy, run-down hotels for the next 14 days, sometimes sharing a hotel room in threes or a double bed in twos. It was a lot like being in the military. But the 90 percent male guests took it relatively calmly, „after all, we are in the Eastern Bloc here.“ And they were well provided for and genuinely satisfied with the crates of vodka and champagne that I had brought up for crisis management. Most of them were only here for a „tourist attraction“ anyway. Warsaw was the Bangkok of Europe at that time and the female supply abundantly salacious available in the hotel bar. Whole peasant associations and sales representatives with „black commission coffers“ came here from Switzerland to have a little fun behind the Iron Curtain.

Only for this I had absolutely no time and muse! Deprived of my own box and in addition daily on the search for new accommodations, the transfers, the complicated gasoline procurement on the black market and other bureaucratic hurdles kept me on the go. It was especially difficult to keep getting gas for my work trips and transfers. I slept in the car with the driver for the first five days, then shared a sagging double bed for a few nights with a Swiss executive on business in Poland. That gave me the rest. When the socialist gypsy life became too much for me, I had the local guests kicked out of the hotels with the bundles of dollar grease available, by putting double or triple the room rate on the table. As time went by, some things went like clockwork and as the icing on the cake, I rented one of the most beautiful and expensive luxury suites in the only 5-star hotel in Warsaw, at that time the „Victoria“ Hotel right on the main square. From this state guest suite, I was able to follow the papal visit of the Polish pontiff Karol Józef Wojtyła from my window better than any other camera team. By the way, I saw Pontifatius Wojtyła again in Cuba in 1993, when the Polish pope paid a visit to the Caribbean island and Fidel Castro. There, too, I was at the forefront of the papal procession Tam Tam.

If I had time to myself, I would bring up the unemployed girls in the lobby and from the hotel bar, because my suite also included a piano player in the salon between the two wings. And there was plenty of room in my suite with two bedrooms and a salon. Suddenly I was bored more often and had half a private brothel as guests. The three months in Poland were unforgettable and much more exciting than the time in Senegal. With a young Polish student, who knew a few words of English, my horses ran away. I drove with her into the forest to a stud farm where we borrowed two stallions and dashed through the beautiful woods at a hell of a pace. Well, to be more precise, I simply had no other choice. She galloped off and my horse raced after her. There was no more brake pedal. The hanging branches brushed and whipped us all the time around the face, so that we performed the infernal ride bent low until the place when her horse braked sharply, whereupon my stallion also pulled even with an emergency brake and we both landed elegantly, almost virtuosically after a Salto Mortale in the bushes. After all, I still had the bridle under control and had made it several kilometers at a stretched canter through Poland’s wild forests in my third riding lesson. Simply terrific! Wild, uninhibitedly impetuous was also the sex we had before we remounted and trotted back with the horses unharmed. Unfortunately, it was very difficult to get in touch with the local population, to communicate with them and to participate in their lives, because of the language communication. That left me with only the pretty hostesses at the hotel whose language I understood. But now it’s on to London, says the fax from the „Imholz“ tour guide headquarters in Zurich.

London 87: First contacts with „ANC“ exiles

Having arrived and settled in London, after an industrial accident involving an Italian tour guide who was working here without a residence permit and whom I then visited in prison, I also met „ANC“ exiles who had fled the racist apartheid regime. UN sanctions had just come into force and the South African regime was pilloried. Since the brother of one of our London tour guides lived in South Africa, a few of our tour guide crew wanted to travel to the Cape of Good Hope in turbulent times and then roam the Okavango Delta in Botswana. This sounded promising and was put into practice after our assignment in London ended, but before that I returned to Switzerland to exchange information from London with „ANC“ exiles and with the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAB) and to establish further contacts in the South African underground. Thus well equipped for the South Africa mission, departure in November 1989 was fast approaching. But let’s flash back briefly to what had happened in South Africa over the previous decade.

In 1950, when the South African government divided its people into races (Population Registration Act 35), Swiss banks paid the first loans of 35 million francs. Then, when the government banned mixed marriages (Prohibition of Mixed Marriage Act), another 85 million francs flowed to the Appartheid state, which by 1983 had expropriated over three and a half million blacks and deported them to „homelands.“ And so 87 percent of the country suddenly belonged to the 16 percent whites. On June 26, 1955, the ANC, together with other black organizations, adopted the Freedom Charter and proclaimed that South Africa belonged to all the people who lived here. On March 21, 1960, the first massacre occurs in Sharpville, where 69 people are shot by police and another 180 are seriously injured. The government declares a state of emergency and enacts more and more new laws to keep the blacks in check. In 1962, Nelson Mandela is arrested. The UN General Assembly then recommends breaking off relations with South Africa, and in 1963 the UN Security Council follows up with an arms embargo. Switzerland decides on an export ban, but no sanctions. Nevertheless, 35 mm guns from „Oerlikon Bührle“ and PC-Pilatus Porter are delivered to South Africa.

In 1967, almost 700,000 blacks were arrested within a year for allegedly violating passport laws. Spending on internal security already amounted to 17 percent of the gross national product. When the British decided to suspend the gold trade for two weeks in March 1968, Switzerland stepped into the breach. Now South Africa’s wealth was flowing into the gold trading metropolis of Switzerland in rough quantities. „SBG“, „SKA“ and „SBV“ secure three quarters of the worldwide gold trade. One year later, the „Bührle Affair“ bursts. The Oerlikon arms manufacturer had supplied weapons worth 52.7 million Swiss francs to South Africa via France. In 1973, the „UN“ General Assembly decides to expel South Africa with „Resolution 3068“ and to classify apartheid as a „crime against humanity“, meanwhile the bonds of the three Swiss banks have already risen to 2.2 billion Swiss francs. While every second child under the age of five dies in the homelands, the white masters at the Cape and the „Zurich Gold Coast“ are doing better and better. „Oerlikon Bührle“ has evaded sanctions several times. I remember that as an apprentice in the export department, I simply had to issue export permits, freight documents and letters of credit to „Oerlikon Bührle“ Holding in Spain or in Italy.

In 1979, a massacre took place in Soweto, when on June 16, 15,000 students protested against being taught in Africaans from then on. 575 people died in the uprising, which lasted for months. Swiss banks doubled their lending. In 1980, the „World Alliance of Reformed Churches“ declared apartheid a heresy. This left Switzerland and the Swiss secret service cold. Peter Reggli initiated the exchange of pilots with South African fighter pilots, but the Federal Council was not informed until 1986. The amount of loans granted by Swiss banks to the apartheid regime quadrupled. Year after year by 100 percent. As a result of the international ostracism of the apartheid regime, Switzerland profited from the contemptuous, racist policy of the whites at the Cape. The „ILO“ called on the global corporations to withdraw from South Africa and criticized the „SBG“ in particular as a sanction-breaker. Nevertheless, in 1985 the South African regime receives another 75 million Swiss francs in loans from Swiss banks at its free disposal. In 1986, a state of emergency is imposed on the heavily indebted country, more than 10,000 people are arrested, 1800 perished. „Peace became a threat to public security,“ says Archbishop Desmond Tutu when the church newspaper, the New Nation, was closed.

In 1987, when the United States wanted to punish companies that did not comply with the sanctions, South Africa’s President Peter Botha and his foreign minister came to Zurich to meet with „SBG“ Deputy Director Georg Meyer and the board of the „Association Switzerland-South Africa“, where they were given on the spot an „Order of Good Hope“ and another 70 million. And in 1989, thanks to Robert Jeker, South Africa’s regime also got a breather on the repayment of the outstanding loans of eight billion Swiss francs. This was the situation at the time that prompted me to go underground in South Africa. There was another small twist of fate that strengthened my resolve. Like so many activists, I wrote a letter to the then „SGB“ (now „UBS“), which was very active in South Africa at that time and supported the apartheid regime, informing the bank that I was closing my account in protest against the financial policy and the „SBG“ commitment and asking them to transfer the balance to another account. This was also done with an inhospitable instruction letter from „UBS“. On my new account, however, 5000 francs more arrived by mistake. This was like a sign from above that I was on the right path and that the mission was approved and endorsed „from above“. So I applied for a „loose leaflet“ visa, which was stamped on a piece of paper and not in the passport, so that there was no outlawed entry in the passport, which would have led to travel restrictions due to the sanctions, and I flew to Johannesburg. I had contacts with ANC exiles first in London and then in Switzerland, and was equipped with some contacts in Soweto and elsewhere in the land of the white masters, with whom the Swiss government, financial sector and mining industry still maintained good contacts. 

The Swiss secret service served Wouter Basson alias „Doctor Death“.

Switzerland’s political, military and arms industry relations with South Africa were at their most intense in the 1980s, when the enforcement of South Africa’s policy of racial segregation (apartheid) was at its strongest and accompanied by serious human rights violations and the open use of violence. Swiss industry was engaged in large-scale undermining of the arms embargo imposed by the UN on South Africa. It violated even the Swiss-defined rules on arms exports, although they were far narrower than those of the UN. The administration was aware of many illegal and semi-legal transactions. This was also true of intelligence cooperation between Switzerland and South Africa. The exchange of intelligence information directly contributed to the initiation of arms deals, the fight against apartheid opponents, and political propaganda in favor of the South African government. In the darkest days of apartheid in South Africa: in the 1980s, Peter Regli, then head of the Air Force, organized a secret exchange of military pilots with South Africa. According to former South African intelligence chief Chris Thirion, the Swiss and South African services had been exchanging information on chemical weapons for years. At the time, Wouter Basson was head of South Africa’s chemical weapons program. The South African media gave him the nickname „Doctor Death.“ He headed „Operation Coast,“ a top-secret and lethal apartheid government program to test on political opponents and black Africans.

All this is recorded in a classified report by Professor Schweizer and in the study „With the Apartheid Government Against Communism“ by Peter Hug. So, in early 1988, Wouter Basson and South African General Lothar Neethling met in Bern with representatives of the Spiez AC Laboratory. According to Basson, the meeting was arranged by Jürg Jacomet. The ominous arms dealer was Regli’s „agent in South Africa.“ In 1991, a year after the fall of the apartheid regime, Basson and Neethling paid another visit to Bern, this time directly to Regli’s office. In 1992, Jacomet helped Basson procure half a ton of „Mandrax,“ an extremely toxic paralytic. It was a deal that threaded Regli. Two years later, Regli could count on Jacomet’s support in buying two Russian SA-18 surface-to-air missiles in return. „Operation Coast“ was called off in 1992. The parliamentary reappraisal of this problematic relationship began far too late and was only triggered by media reports.

The Federal Council was blind on both eyes and hardly informed about Regli’s close ties with South Africa. The truth came to light bit by bit. Only one member of the Federal Council knew about Regli’s deals, according to the parliamentary inquiry of 2003, namely Kaspar Villiger. But Professor Schweizer, who also questioned Villiger, doubted the former FDP Federal Councilor’s willingness to cooperate, saying, „Certainly he did not tell me everything.“ For the professor emeritus, the case of Regli and South Africa is not closed even if Regli’s relations with South Africa are officially closed and led to his rehabilitation in 2007. Erroneous, isn’t it? Despite clear contacts, problematic contacts, private dealings and several breaches of competence, no direct involvement in „Project Coast“ could be proven against him, even if Regli had admitted, in the presence of his lawyer, that he had met Wouter Basson, the head of the chemical weapons program, at least six times and had discussed confidential matters with him. So Regli had knowledge of this doctor’s criminal research, Schweizer says. But these well-documented findings have so far remained inconsequential for him. That was because Regli had destroyed all files and memos about his visits in September 1999. A few months before he was forced into early retirement by the Federal Council because of the ongoing investigation, Regli was transferred to the army archives. There he took the opportunity to destroy all documents related to his activities in South Africa. Ironically, he invoked data protection, his personal rights and the „Fichenskandal“ of the Federal Police at the time. The destruction of files was a typical Swiss idiosyncrasy from the 1970s to the 1990s, say intelligence historians. Files were shredded especially about cooperation with foreign intelligence services, if anything was put in writing at all, he says. „The intelligence services in the U.S., Germany and England didn’t do that to this extent.“

About the „Cryptoleaks“. „SRF-Rundschau“, „ZDF“ and the „Washington Post“ had shown that the Zug export company „Crypto AG“ had sold manipulated encryption devices in the service of the American and German secret services over many years. Crypto AG“ is only the tip of the iceberg. The entire Swiss intelligence service in the 1990s was characterized by arrogance, intrigue and informal relations with Western and illustrious intelligence services. There was a small circle of insiders at the top who, unsupervised by the Federal Council and parliament, cultivated personal exchanges with American, South African or Israeli spies. Thanks to the 280-page document called „Minerva“ it was proved that the „BND“ and the „CIA“ had a secret alliance between 1970 and 1993 to spy on about 100 countries. The proceedings against „Crypto AG“ also had to be discontinued without result. Various names from the bourgeois camp have appeared in the media. The secret CIA report „Minerva“ named, for example, the Zug FDP parliamentarian Georg Stucky, a member of the board of directors of „Crypto AG“ and former Federal Councillor Kaspar Villiger as confidants. The „Bühler affair“ who was arrested in 1992 while selling encryption equipment to the Iranian Ministry of Defense. The sales representative was suspected of espionage and served nine months in an Iranian prison. The Bühler case forced the Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland to conduct an investigation into „Crypto AG“. This erroneously concluded that there had been no manipulation of equipment. However, several sources from the „NDB“ environment testify how closely the ex-chief of the Strategic Intelligence Service worked with the Americans. They called him „the prompter“ with close ties to the then „CIA“ director William H. Webster, the Israeli intelligence service „Mossad“ or the South African intelligence service – all protagonists from the „Club de Berne“. The military intelligence service „SND“ scored with the satellite interception system „Onyx“ in Leuk, Zimmerwald and Heimenschwand. With this system, Switzerland was able to intercept all data transmissions via fax, e-mail or telephone according to search criteria without any restrictions. There was also the „Service for Analysis and Prevention“ (DAP). This was founded after the „Fichen Affair“ in 1989 and was based at the Federal Department of Justice and Police.

Swiss industry was also one of the pillars of the secret South African nuclear weapons program. The „Gebrüder Sulzer AG“ and the „VAT Haag“ supplied important components for the South African uranium enrichment, which provided the necessary fissile material for the six atomic bombs produced by South Africa. Thus, Switzerland was undoubtedly a supporter of the apartheid government in more ways than one. How did this come about? Due to its distance from the UN, a tendency toward racist ideas remained politically effective after 1945, which was replaced by an equally unreflective anti-communism from the end of the 1970s. In the climate of the Cold War, any criticism of this was stifled with the argument that the anti-communist bulwark at the Cape had to be preserved. For in both Angola and Mocambique, communism was spreading with the help of the Cubans. The limited insight into the Swiss Federal Archives and those of the „Vorort des Schweizerischen Handels- und Industrievereins“ show that Switzerland maintained very close military, intelligence, armament industrial and nuclear relations with South Africa during the apartheid era. Also, as early as the beginning of the 1960s, Switzerland received the heads of the administration, the army and the business community, as well as high-ranking delegations from the South African armed forces. The Military Department in Bern and the Swiss diplomatic mission in South Africa actively assisted in the initiation and handling of arms deals, and the Swiss army made its firing and weapons ranges available to the private arms industry so that it could demonstrate its products to South African procurement delegations.

From Switzerland’s point of view, there was no reason to take any coercive measures against the South African government. It was only due to the clumsy information policy of the Federal Council and the arrogant attitude of „Oerlikon-Bührle“ that the Swiss government was forced to stop arms exports to South Africa in December 1963 for domestic political reasons. But this stop was conceived as temporary. There was still no sign of any political will to enforce an export ban. After the 1963 „halt on arms exports“ to South Africa, the political will remained pervasive in Switzerland’s authoritative circles to support the South African government in expanding its armed forces and arms industrial base. Human rights issues were never raised in these circles. From 1965, a South African military attaché was accredited in Switzerland. In 1966, the then Chief of Staff of the Swiss Army, Paul Gygli, and Colonel Helmut von Frisching of the „Subgroup Intelligence and Defense (UNA) established „cordial contacts“ with the head of the „South African Army, General Charles Alan Fraser. At Gygli’s suggestion, a South African military mission traveled to Switzerland to learn about the Swiss Army’s recruitment and training system in view of South Africa’s armed forces reform. Of particular interest to South Africa’s military intelligence was the way the Swiss Army fought so-called „subversives“ within the framework of „psychological warfare.“

No sooner had the South African government, with the support of the U.S. intelligence agency „CIA,“ established the notorious „Bureau of State Security“ (BOSS) as a civilian intelligence service in 1969 than its no less notorious chief, General Hendrik Van Bergh, maintained personal contacts with representatives of the partner services in Switzerland. In 1974, the „BOSS“ division „Z-Squad“ carried out from Switzerland one of the first extrajudicial killings of a black opposition figure ordered by the South African government. Beginning in 1972, the military intelligence services of Switzerland and South Africa also established a close exchange of information at the behest of then UNA chief Brigadier Colonel Carl Weidenmann. In 1974, Brigadier Friedrich Günther-Benz made two trips to South Africa and, in a widely circulated report, left no doubt as to his support for South African government policy. In 1975, the Chief of the Intelligence Division in the UNA, Colonel Peter Hoffet, together with his wife and daughter, were guests of the South African military attaché for three days.

Macabre arms deals and nuclear deals covered by the Swiss political felt

Against this background, it is hardly surprising that „Oerlikon-Bührle“ did not feel bound by the arms export ban of 1963 and in 1964/1965 not only illegally delivered the 30 Oerlikon 35-mm guns affected by the export ban to South Africa, but also in 1965 an additional 90 guns for 52.7 million Swiss francs and – via Italy – 45 Superfledermaus fire control units for 54 million Swiss francs to South Africa. Even after part of this illegal business became known in the course of the Bührle scandal of November 1968 – the illegal delivery of guns and ammunition to South Africa – it simply continued! The last 16 guns were shipped to South Africa via the port of Genoa in 1969, a fact that was known to the Swiss authorities but never became the subject of the criminal investigations then underway. „They consistently practiced negligent cluelessness, active acquiescence and complicity, which made the illegal dealings of „Oerlikon-Bührle“ possible in the first place,“ wrote the study’s author, Peter Hug. Moreover, as new documents from South Africa prove for the first time, the illegal arms business with the apartheid state went far beyond the „Oerlikon-Bührle Group.

Hispano Suiza (Suisse) SA in Geneva also illegally supplied 20 mm guns to South Africa on a large scale. This was based on a 1967 supply contract for 126 Hispano 20 mm guns, ammunition and the transfer of licensing rights worth over CHF 21 million. In 1969, a decision by the Federal Council ruled out extending the criminal investigation beyond „OerlikonBührle AG“ by political means. With the support of the then Defense Minister Giulio Andreotti and intelligence chief General Egidio Viggiani, „Contraves Italiana“ in Rome and „Oerlikon Italiana“ in Milan also circumvented the Italian arms export ban to South Africa on a large scale. „The Swiss authorities supported the undermining of the arms embargo via subsidiaries and partner companies in neighboring states by not requiring end-user certificates for the supply of components from Switzerland, so that they could be shipped on from there to South Africa without any problems,“ Peter Huber recorded in his report reviewing the dark chapter in Switzerland’s relations with the sanctioned apartheid state. .

The most important loophole was Switzerland’s refusal to implement UN Resolution 182 (1963) of December 4, 1963, which called on all states to stop the sale and delivery of equipment and material used in South Africa for the manufacture and maintenance of weapons and ammunition. It was not until 1996 that Switzerland made the transfer of licensing rights for the manufacture of armaments abroad subject to a licensing requirement. The „Lyttelton Engineering Works“ in Pretoria manufactured barrels for the 35-mm Oerlikon gun from 1964 and entire guns from the early 1970s. Pretoria Metal Pressings produced Oerlikon 30-mm and 35-mm ammunition from 1964 onwards on the basis of license agreements with the machine tool factory Oerlikon Bührle, and African Explosives and Chemical Industries produced the necessary propellants. From 1967, South Africa also manufactured the 20-mm gun barrels and ammunition of „Hispano Suiza“ under license.  Around 1964, Plessey (South Africa) Ltd. entered the production of Contraves Mosquito anti-tank missiles, although this licensed production could not be fully clarified. This also applies to the production of „Tavaro“ fuze components by the „Instrument Manufacturing Corp of South Africa“ in Plumstead near Cape Town. In 1972, „Gretag AG“ Regensdorf concluded a license agreement in South Africa for the manufacture of its cipher instruments. In 1974, the subsidiary of „Wild Heerbrugg AG“ in the St. Gallen Rhine Valley, „Wild South Africa“ in Johannesburg, entered into the manufacture of optical equipment for the South African armed forces. All these license transfers were accompanied by subcontracting and technical consulting services. None of this was covered by the wide-meshed provisions of Swiss war material export regulations. No voices were ever raised, either in industry or by the authorities, against the use of these loopholes.

The 1977 UN military and nuclear sanctions and Switzerland In the early 1970s, the United Nations initiated an intensive discussion process on the extent to which international economic relations affected the human rights situation. Some UN bodies went very far in claiming that any economic, political and cultural activity in South Africa contributed to the maintenance of apartheid policies. By denying that there was a link between direct investment in South Africa and reciprocal trade and financial relations and the human rights situation in South Africa, Swiss foreign policy took an extreme position. And at that time, as a 16 year old, I was suddenly involved in world affairs, since I did my commercial training at „Oerlikon Bührle“ in Zurich from 1975 to 1978 and worked in the export department for six months, writing out all the export papers, export licenses, letters of credit, etc. and remembering how I stumbled to export certain armaments through the subsidiaries in Italy and Spain and simply put their address as exporter.

After the political uncertainty caused by the Soweto massacre in 1976 and the subsequent wave of repression inside and outside South Africa again left little trace on the Swiss government, Switzerland found itself increasingly isolated at the international level. As the social base of resistance in South Africa broadened in the early 1980s and the South African government’s repression became harsher and militarized, Switzerland moved even closer to South Africa. All other states joined the call for more or less extensive sanctions. With its categorical no, Switzerland had become very lonely in the UN system. At the same time, the ranks of the administration were closing. Thus, across all departments, an immune and strongly ideologized attitude toward concrete changes became established, which was unable to react in a differentiated manner to the broad spectrum of the UN-South Africa discussion. The domestic counterpart to this rigid stance was a hardening of the fronts along the left-right divide. The matter-of-factness with which all important federal offices and their associated associations and institutions supported the policy of positioning Switzerland outside the overwhelming majority of UN member states on the South Africa question may come as a surprise today. However, this very self-evident fact confirms that consensus and blindness were widespread and entrenched across the spectrum. Despite resistance from the federal police, the South African medical doctor also met with the Swiss chief medical officer in 1980; other meetings followed. While the Department of Foreign Affairs in 1977 and Military Protocol in 1979 were still taking a stand against the exchange of air and air force officers between the two countries, Air Force Chief Arthur Moll initiated a turnaround in 1980. He met the South African air force chief at the air show in Farn-borough and, to the astonishment of his partner, invited him to Switzerland a few days later for an official visit. The basis was the secret protection agreement concluded in 1983. This gave the South African military pilots an insight into secret methods of combat management and technical details of the Swiss Air Force. The pilot exchange continued throughout the 1980s. In addition to the military-technical level, the political level must also be considered. As social conflicts within South Africa intensified and international pressure on South Africa increased, the South African armed forces massively expanded their propaganda activities during the 1980s.

In order to implement their so-called „Comops“ projects, the armed forces and especially the military intelligence service spared neither money nor contacts up to and including violent right-wing extremist forces. In Switzerland, the South African military attaché and other contacts built up contacts with sometimes colorful figures on the extreme right of the political spectrum, including Jürg Meister, editor-in-chief of „Intern-Informationen,“ published by Karl Friedrich Grau. As can be seen from the documents of South Africa’s military intelligence service, the latter attached great importance to contacts with people such as the Zurich „subversive hunter“ Ernst Cincera, the head of the Swiss Institute for Eastern Studies, Peter Sager, and the president of the Southern Africa Working Group, Christoph Blocher. Comops“ operations in Switzerland involved attempts to press television, radio and print media.

Protests by the „anti-apartheid movement of Switzerland went unheard. More questions than answers are raised by a long series of unsolved cases in which the federal police and other investigative bodies received strong indications of crimes and breaches of sanctions, but, out of consideration for the South African government and its prominent friends in Switzerland, shied away from exploiting the information obtained in court. In the case of an armaments company in eastern Switzerland that concluded large-scale arms trafficking deals with South Africa, the federal police were content to recommend to the company’s top management that one of the clumsily operating employees be removed from circulation and that the trafficking be handled more discreetly. The cooperation of the federal „Pulverfabrik Wimmis“ with the leading South African manufacturer of ammunition and propellant powder „Somchem“ went very far. In 1979, „Wimmis“ provided „Somchem“ via „Oerlikon-Bührle AG“ with a production license for propellant powder for 20-mm and 35-mm ammunition, trained „Somchem“ engineers in top-secret facilities in „Wimmis“, and stayed at „Somchem“ several times for weeks with its top personnel, including the director and the chief chemist, in order to solve problems that arose in the license production and the other production of military explosives. „Oerlikon-Bührle“ provided technical and management assistance on a large scale for the further development of the 35-mm anti-aircraft system within the framework of the „Sleeve“ and „Skavot“ projects. Numerous top-secret deals could be proven in the 1980s, which South Africa handled with the support of military intelligence in Switzerland, including the projects „Floor“, „Jansalie“, „Algebra“, „Fargo“ and „Nack“ from the Army, the projects „Divorce“ and „Finial“ from the South African Air Force for airfield navigation and a project to solve problems with Mirage aircraft. Furthermore, the „Aquila“ project, which concerned the procurement of equipment in the Geneva area, the „Janitor“ project, which served to set up a civil-military airspace surveillance system, or the „Alexandri“ and „Bessie“ projects, which the South African fleet handled in Switzerland in the 1980s.

On April 16, 2003, the Swiss Federal Council had every reason to stop the inspection of South Africa files in Switzerland. For there are many in Switzerland who, out of deep political conviction, supported the apartheid government in South Africa and made a lot of money from the business with it, which was contrary to international law. This pitch-black, racist attitude and close to war crimes Swiss past was only insufficiently processed until today and had no legal consequences for any of the involved. Everything was discreetly and neatly swept under the table and any co-responsibility was rejected. Yet we are dealing with an equally racist Nazi doctrine and the most evil human rights crimes.

This was the starting point for me to get a picture of the situation and the living conditions of the black population in South Africa under the apartheid regime.

1. „Turbulent Times: The 80s youth riots

FOREWORD

The author, Gerd Michael Müller, born in Zürich in 1962, traveled as a photo-journalist to more than 50 nations and lived in seven countries, including in the underground in South Africa during apartheid. In the 80 years he was a political activist at the youth riots in Zürich. Then he was involved in pioneering Wildlife & eco projects in Southern Africa and humanitarian projects elsewhere in the world. As early as 1993, Müller reported on the global climate change and in 1999 he founded the «Tourism & Environment Forum Switzerland». Through his humanitarian missions he got to know Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and other figures of light. His book is an exciting mixture of political thriller, crazy social stories and travel reports – the highlights of his adventurous, wild nomadic life for reportage photography .

(please note that translation corrections are still in progress and images will follow soon)

1. „Turbulent Times: The 80s youth riots

The journey around the globe to various trouble spots and cultural highlights starts in my hometown Zurich. Already employed at the age of 18, a tsunami was rolling towards the conservative bourgeoisie and the political class. 1980 was the year that was to shake up the staid society in Switzerland and plow it up in the course of the 80s. In May of that year, the „Opera House Riots“ began as a prelude to the subsequent „Zurich Youth Riots.“ This was triggered by the latent dissatisfaction of young people with the facilities and free spaces available to them. This manifested itself most conspicuously in the upcoming vote on a city subsidy of 60 million francs for the opera house and, in return, no 10,000 francs for the „Rote Fabrik,“ at that time the only youth cultural center in the city of Zurich. At that time, there was still a curfew for everyone at midnight, and half an hour later everyone had to be dutifully at home. Recreational fun and other cultural offerings were kept within narrow limits. There were no free spaces for pubescent youths at all, only one or two leisure centers that focused mainly on sports.

Three short phrases were formative in my youth: „You can’t do that!“ „You can’t!“ And, „You can’t!“. This was pure motivation for us to revolutionize along the lines of, „Well, of course you can!“ If you were one jag off the track, i.e. away from the bourgeois norm of morality and order, you were treated like a leper. Radio and TV were dead in those days. In Switzerland and throughout Europe, the 70s seemed gray and dreary in every respect; the population remained in its conservative corset. There was no nightlife, Internet or streaming. Good music or movies were rare until video stores came along and the „Walkmen“ changed the music world. But cell phones, labtops, PCs, social media and the like didn’t exist yet. No wonder that the youth scene had been seething for some time, and suddenly the powder keg that was to shake society not only in Switzerland but throughout Europe was unleashed. After the 68ers came the next anarchist youth revolt.

This gloom was a consequence of the oil crisis, the „Cold War“, the Wall and the threat of the communist regimes, the Vietnam War, which became more and more brutal and grotesque. First the blanket napalm bombings on Vietnamese civilians with the gruesome images of burning people and children, then the „Agent Orange“ defoliation operations and all the mutilated dead, and the inhumane prison camps. („That was just horrible and senseless“). There were hearts, souls and minds crying out for justice, if not retribution! What was inexplicable about this war of extermination was that for decades it was not sanctioned by the U.S. Congress, but was financed solely by the „CIA“ and it paid for the war costs by having U.S. troops in the Golden Triangle load tons of the opium into the empty bomber planes and then bring it to Mexico where the opium was processed into heroin. Thus, America brought the flood of heroin to its own doorstep and gave the Mexicans their drug labs and cartels.

In this Kafkaesque operation, the „CIA“ definitely lost the „I“, i.e. the „intelligence“, or one could put it differently and call the „CIA“ the „Criminal Intelligence Agency“. In addition to the „Cold War“ there was the nuclear threat in the „Cold War“ and not least the danger from the nuclear reactors themselves. Switzerland also wanted to become a nuclear power at that time and in the course of this insane intention, a reactor accident occurred in Switzerland in Lucens in the canton of Vaud in January 1969. Then came the reactor accident in Chernobyl, which to this day pollutes the vegetables in Ticino and elsewhere in Europe. Later, the Tinner brothers once again proved in a scandalous way that Swiss „nuclear know-how“ can also be exported, for example to Pakistan.

Already Peter Regli, a Swiss intelligence officer, cooperated with the apartheid regime in the ABC weapons program. So opportunistic Switzerland has not only exported its political short-sightedness, but also supplied South Africa and Pakistan with nuclear know-how and uranium. But back to Zurich to the explosive situation here in the run-up to the vote for the „Opera House Credit“. At the annual „Allmendfest“ over Whitsun with the first open air concerts, flyers for a demo were distributed and youth centers were demanded. On that warm and beautiful Whitsun weekend, the meaning of the hippie movement was brought home to me, according to the motto: „Peace, Love, Happiness & Freedom“. Of course, almost everyone on the site was smoking pot, some had also had an LSD trip and the atmosphere was absolutely terrific. The music was rocky, punky and trimmed to rebellion, because after all it was bubbling since the 68th in the subculture among the youth and so this power sound came just at the right time.

Coincidentally, on Saturday afternoon, May 30, 1980, I took the streetcar past the Zurich Opera House, exactly at the moment when hundreds of police officers poured out of the Opera House entrance, which had been blocked by demonstrators, and beat the people lying on the ground (the so-called „cultural corpses“). They maltreated women and men alike. These naked state violence and brutal scenes took my and other passers-by’s breath away and made the rage in our bellies explode. Immediately I got off the streetcar, the first containers were burning and the skirmishes with the police began. When the police immediately acted with all severity, shooting tear gas and rubber bullets, as well as using water cannons, the situation escalated within a few hours, because on this early Saturday evening many young people were on their way home after the Bob Marley concert in the Hallenstadion and then streamed into the city center. Many spontaneously took part in the protests, which after a short time turned into veritable street fights. From then on, the police had nothing under control for three or four days and the street fights erupted with full force.

The cantonal police station on Limmatquai was surrounded, two of the police vehicles were completely burned out, and the entrance to the town hall also looked a mess. The air in the Niederdorf was saturated with acrid clouds of tear gas smoke, denser than London in the November fog. The extent of the destruction was inconceivable, as was the impotence of the security forces, as the frustration of the youth and old-68s, pent up for years, turned into sheer rage, with which the demonstrators wanted to show the opera house visitors the one-sided subsidy policy. The first night of riots was followed by several more street battles in the course of this year, during which the „Bewegig“ of the autonomous people always took place on Wednesdays in the Volksversammlungen (VV’s) in the Volkshaus or sporadically at or occasionally also on the Platzspitz. Almost every Saturday demonstrations were announced, regularly the stores in the Niederdorf barricaded their store windows with boards at 2 p.m., because the protests continued to gain momentum and formed up to large demonstrations with almost 20,000 people. The demand of the youth was simple: „We want an autonomous youth center“, an „AJZ“ must come! And that „subito!“

Then on July 15, 1980, one of the biggest scandals in the history of Swiss television took place on the program „CH-Magazin“ and became the number one topic of conversation in the country. The Zurich youth riots, which had broken out with such ferocity over the staid country, made waves as far as the Hudson River and were also picked up by the „New York Times“. The two representatives of the youth movement, Mr. and Mrs. Müller, invited by television, let down the pants of the two city representatives, in conversation with Councilwoman Emillie Lieberherr and the police commander with their political parody. The protagonists of the youth movement, „Mr. and Mrs. Müller“, turned the tables and presented themselves as a stock-conservative couple that almost impudently called on politicians to act with all severity against the „rioters“, because much bigger and harder projectiles (e.g. from Northern Ireland) were available as an option. „The use of napalm would also have to be discussed“. Otherwise, it would also be done with a „ticket to Moscow easy“, i.e. without a return ticket. Stunned and dismayed, I could not believe my ears at first, but then quickly understood the punch line of the Kafkaesque performance, which caused indignation and headlines throughout Switzerland.

The exuberant creativity of „Bewegig“ and its activists was to culminate in another media coup. As daytime newscaster Leon Huber left the news on May 3, 1981, two masked men suddenly held the sign „Freedom for Giorgio Bellini“ (an anarchist bookseller from Ticino who, with a group of militant autonomists, carried out explosive attacks on nuclear power plants and blew up an electricity pylon because they were opponents of nuclear power) in front of his chest and into the camera and disappeared unrecognized. „We were deliciously amused by this blatant and media spectacular action“. Want more details on how the spectacular TV action went down? A total of five people dressed as police officers (two women and three men), entered the TV studio under the pretext of a drug raid, which apparently did not raise any eyebrows or suspicions at Swiss Television at the time. Thus, two persons entered the control room and created a distraction and a bit of chaos there. At the same time, two more people entered the announcer’s booth and cheekily held the sign in front of the newscaster’s nose into the camera of the main edition.

But it gets even better: when the two chaots from the control room were to be stopped and handed over to the police, the colleagues from the speaker’s booth picked them up and said they would take them right away, and so all five got away unrecognized. Back to the Ticino Giorgio Bellini, the anarchist who ran a revolutionary bookstore on Engelstrasse in Zurich. When the Swiss electorate rejected the „Atomschutzinitative“ (nuclear protection initiative) on February 18, 1979, by a narrow margin of 51.2 percent, a small group of militant AKW opponents made their way to Fricktal. The „Do it yourself“ group had eight kilos of explosives in their VW bus and used them to blow up the information pavilion at the planned Kaiseraugst NPP. The group attached great importance to the fact that no one was hurt, but beyond the material damage, the activists ignited a harsh political debate, because explosive attacks have fortunately been rare in Switzerland up to now. This explosive attack in Kaiseraugst was followed by other attacks on the Leibstadt and Gösgen nuclear power plants. When asked how the group got hold of the explosives, Bellini said that they were available in agriculture and construction and that in his time they were something like „the toys for those who had outgrown childhood“. In fact I can confirm this and add that already as children we played with army pistols and other dangerous weapons or explosive material and already as 14 year olds we practiced our stunts and acrobatic coasting on bigger motorcycles without helmets with risky jumps up the well ten meter high steep wall in the gravel pit. At that time, this was nothing out of the ordinary and, of course, also associated with certain risks. But what a great freedom among many others. „No comparison to today’s crap culture and lack of risk!“

But back to the group „Do it yourself“. The activists proceeded very professionally and learned from the „class enemy“ and its institutions. Thus, the famous guerrilla manual of a Swiss intelligence officer „Der totale Widerstand – Kriegsanleitung für jedermann“ (The total resistance – war manual for everyone) was taken for help and the professional journal „Kriminalistik“ (Criminology) helped the militant AKW opponents in the eradication of traces. At the same time, there was also Marco Camenisch, labeled an „eco-terrorist“ from the Grisons, who also carried out two explosive attacks on electricity pylons in 1979 and was banished to ten years in prison. But the two were not the only radical opponents of nuclear power plants. One went even further, Chaim Nissim, who later sat in the Geneva Cantonal Parliament for the Green Party, attacked the Creys-Malville reactor in the French Rhône Valley in 1982 with a Soviet-designed RPG-7 rocket launcher, although he did not intend to blow it up.

Then came the date for the military recruit school, which I was not at all eager to attend, because in the wake of the Vietnam War and the Iron Curtain that divided Europe, I did not feel like becoming part of a war machine. On the contrary, I was a pacifist and voted for the army abolition initiative, which made me a veritable enemy of the state in the eyes of politics and the military. Nevertheless, I did everything I could to avoid being drafted. And the coincidence helped me, because shortly before the draft the Allmendfest took place, one of the first hippie events in Zurich. On said very hot Whitsun weekend, I was walking around bare-chested on the festival grounds and met an old schoolmate who was silk-screening large cannabis leaves onto T-shirts. Since I had none on, he printed the cannabis leaf directly on my back and since I tanned quickly, was three days later when washing off the paint, the large cannabis leaf shone much brighter, on the tanned back skin surface, which led to the fact that I stood out at the muster in the row and spread guffawing laughter, when the prospective recruits and the Aushebungsoffiziere saw that whereupon I was immediately transferred to the Aushebungsoffizier. When he read in the questionnaire that I was a daily user of marijuana and listed a few other substances, I was deferred for two years and at the second enlistment date, due to an unchanged situation, I was released from military service and assigned to civil defense. That was one of my happiest and most liberating moments, even though it ruled out a career as a pilot, but a pacifist attitude was far more important to me.

Legal? Illegal? „Scheissegal!“, that was the motto of the rebellious youth

When, after months of protests, the „AJZ“ (Autonomous Youth Center Zurich) finally opened on what is now the Car parking lot in an old factory building, to our delight all the creative potential that had lain dormant for so long was unleashed. This was a radical boost for us beleaguered „urban Indians“. Autonomists sprouted out of all the holes in the flatshares and the hippies now lived out their cult and their music without restraint in public. At least in the „AJZ“ – a space that was indeed free of law, but with massive police surveillance by informers. The Zurich police corps was then „subito“ increased by over 30 people just to monitor the „movement“ and moreover a much larger army of informers was recruited throughout the city to monitor the hippie scene and all other subversive elements. And theirs were many. Granted: After all the repression and draconian punishments, the slogans of the youth became more radical. „Power to the state, cucumber salad,“ was just one of the unmistakable slogans emblazoned everywhere on the walls and loudly chanted at the demonstrations. At that time, this was already „treason“ for Papa Staat, and so we sympathizers were put on the same level as terrorists and labeled either as communists, Maoists or friends of Palestine.

The state came down hard on the activists. There were secret agreements in the education system, in the administration and in parts of the economy to ban „leftists“ from working and training in jobs such as teachers and educators, pilots, engineers or municipal jobs. Many vocational training doors were also closed to conscientious objectors and their activities denied. Thus, there were also many subtle violations and less subtle violent excesses on the part of the police and state organs. I remember an incident in which I wanted to ride my moped with two girls on the front and two on the back from Niederdorf to the AJZ, passing the Urania police station, whereupon a police vehicle cut us off at the Landesmuseum, The driver turned the car right in front of us (half on the street and half diagonally on the sidewalk), whereupon three doors were ripped open and three heroic, nimble policemen jumped out, just before I drove my moped into the rear, open door. What a ravishingly cinematic action, around three youths on a lame Töffli, which had now really no escape route and like a highly criminal, heavily armed gang were overwhelmed. The felon hunt ended with a bus and my father had to pick me up from the police station. Not all of the operations went so smoothly.

During the riots, one of my friends lost an eye to a rubber bullet and my friend Lena was dragged around by her hair until her face was badly bruised. I was arrested a second time, together with 300 other people during a demo at the Nüschelergasse and during the 24 hours of pre-trial detention I was illegally treated for identification, afterwards released and later compensated with Fr. 80.- for the detention. Further spectacular guerrilla actions, showed us that the humility and respect for the authorities was eroding. „Underground“ bars and illegal clubs shot up like mushrooms from the withered Zurich soil. Stoners were everywhere, even in the open air, and joints were circulating in the parks, so that the police could no longer keep up with intervening everywhere. The „marijuana euphoria“ and the smell of freedom were just too great and the sweet weed smell far outweighed the exhaust and diesel smell. „Freedom has never been more alive, more grand, more diverse and more anarchistic than in the 80’s“, a time I call the „freedom-zenith of the 20th and 21st millennium“.

On the shores of Lake Zurich, topless bathing was widespread and women enjoyed the freedom and the pleasures and the new independence that the pill and thus the possibility of autonomous contraception gave them to live fully, which also expressed itself in uninhibited sexuality and polygamy or in the form of the first gay and trans parties. It was not a crime among us at that time and was not frowned upon for either women or men to have sex with dozens of partners and to try out different partnership models in the course of a year. „Sex, Drugs & Rock & Roll“ or rather „Amore et Anarchia“? Well, why the agony of choice? Preferably all together! Any kind of restriction was rejected, pure hedonism was the goal and the time of the birds of paradise had dawned. We wanted to experiment without restriction on all levels and try out free love, while unmarried couples at that time were not even legally allowed to live together.

That’s how prudish Zurich and the whole of Switzerland was back then. So it’s all the more amazing that the girls just melted away like ice cream or took the reins themselves, flirted fiercely and were out for a one night stand. Anyway, back then, as a young man, every now and then you were uninhibitedly hit on by women who had only one goal, to share lust and bed and try out all kinds of things. An equally aphrodisiac and inspiring time, which is still unparalleled today! The women were shining lights for us, many of them very feminist self-confident and eager to experiment. „Emancipation, yes of course, we said to ourselves, and finally introduced women’s suffrage by political means. One (wo)man, one vote“ applied equally to men and women in the youth movement. There were a great many women activists who either made themselves heard or simply did what they wanted and how they wanted it, and no one from our circles was bothered by it. We, i.e. also the men, put make-up on each other and often walked through the streets to the „Rote Fabrik“, to the „Drahtschmidli“ or to the „AJZ“ with black painted lips, colorfully painted faces and fluttering hair and in this way we also supported the women’s suffrage 50 years ago and finally enforced it.

In my early youth, I was fascinated by Pippi Longstocking, the book and the TV series. The cheeky girl was revolutionary and my anarchist, feminist role model for the „liberation of children, kitchen and church“ was thus foreshadowed. The most autonomous and cheeky snotty girl and the first female punk I met probably also shaped my image of women. Sensual, cheeky, unconventional, independent and totally horny! On the flip side, Tom Sawyer and Huckley Berry Finn were my adventurous, brotherly role models. I loved their campfire romance and pranks. They were our role models and our parents‘ bugbears. But we also got into mischief and pushed the limits. There were no daycare centers, my playground was the big Zollikerberg forest with all its animal inhabitants and secrets. So I disappeared the whole day in the undergrowth of the Zolliker forest, stayed with the tadpoles and fire salamanders at the ponds, climbed up to the tree tops and built tree huts and dams like the beavers and came back only for lunch and then only in the evening. There was no supervision, but lots of adventures, including the use of firearms, souped-up florets and motocross bikes with which we drove up the steep faces of the gravel pits long before we had a driver’s license and other wild games. We were able to let off steam, something that young people today lack for their personal development, since they often only participate virtually in the action and already go crazy when they are overwhelmed by stimuli. Another problem is the rather abstract, virtual flirting and digital exchange with the opposite sex, as well as today’s sexual and pack behavior itself, which on the one hand has become ultra conservative again, and on the other extremely egocentric. There can be no more fun when you have to get involved with a pack of guys or a bunch of girls in order to get close to your chosen one.

Back to the experimentally very eventful 80s. The uninhibited desire for liberation from all sexual constraints continued until the first HIV infections in the mid-80s and then shook only the gay scene for the time being. „AIDS“ was not yet an issue in „AJZ“ times, and so many new experiments and life plans developed in the horizontal as well. The first teenagers had just returned from India, from Baghwan in Poona or from Goa and were either spiritually totally „high“ or constantly „stoned“. The Afghanistan war, on the other hand, flushed endless Afghan hashish and heroin, the civil war in Lebanon the „red Lebanese“ into our smoky shared rooms and changed life, the cityscape and also the political world view. „Thai-Sticks“ and „Acapulco Gold“ from Mexico or „Durban Poison“ from South Africa made the rounds and „Zenzemillia“ became a common word in the stoner scene.

It was the time of rebellion, free development, politicization, sex and drug orgies and street fights, musically accompanied by the „Rolling Stones“, „Doors“ or „Deep Purple“, who were among our musical gods as well as Bob Dylan, Janis Joplin and Jil Scott Heron. Nothing was the same anymore and there was no going back! When the „punks“ emerged in the mid-1970s, first in New York and then the punk scene in London, the offshoots also spilled over into Switzerland. The Sex Pistols and Talking Heads, Ramones or under sex were among the hottest bands of the time. Soon local scenes developed, especially in Zurich. In 1977 there was a hard core of about 50 young people in Zurich, who had a significant influence on the Swiss Punk and New Wave movement. Their first meeting places were the punk clothing store „Booster“ and the „Hey Club,“ the first punk disco in Zurich or the Reithalle in Bern, as well as during squats in which the punks were at the forefront. In Winterthur, too, there was a strongly politicized punk scene, which often saw itself as a countermovement to the far-right environment, i.e. to the skinheads in Switzerland. There was also an „AJZ“ in Basel, where punks and autonomists met.

With Roger Schawinski’s pirate radio station „Radio 24“, which first broadcast from „Piz Gropera“ in Italy, the meager media landscape, consisting of „Radio Beromünster“ (unspeakable), Swiss television (boring and simple-minded), „ORF“ (equally boring) and „ARD“ (not much better), was also plowed up. „MTV“ made its entrance with the first cult videos, revolutionizing not only the music and media world, but also the youth scene and subculture, and with radio „DRS3“ came another ingenious youth station in Switzerland. Only later did local radio stations also get a license, and soon there was at least one, if not two, alternative radio stations in every canton.

The first residential communities at the beginning of the 1970s enriched the new lifestyles and forms of the youth movement and thus also created a lot of solidarity and commitment with other underground movements, freedom fighters and oppressed states such as Palestine, Nicaragua and U.S. soldier-occupied Vietnam. The time was ripe for great socio-political changes. Zurich became a hot spot for the burgeoning youth culture that was just exploding in all colors and forms, providing the basis for the incredible push for liberalization in terms of cultural freedom. „You have never seen the cities of Zurich, Bern and Basel so freaky and trendy before and never after“! We approached the opposite sex with curiosity and respect, and those who thought or looked differently, and that’s what made the movement so unique.

It was the time of the anarchists and utopians. We debated and criticized fiercely, argued and showed solidarity with oppressed peoples. In the maelstrom of this explosive attempt at liberation and boundless life, raucous parties were celebrated without end, but more and more hard drugs, such as heroin, cocaine and amphetamines were added. When the „AJZ“ opened in an old factory building near the parking lot at Sihlquai, it brought in all kinds of weird birds and drug dealers. Soon the Italian drug mafia was fighting a gang war with the Turkish one, which was partly fought out in the „AJZ“. For a while, it was really dangerous to mess with these guys and we had to put up a guard service to prevent the worst escalations. In the early 80’s, hundreds of young people died every year from an overdose of „Aitsch“ (the slang name for heroin). The situation only improved when Emilie Lieberherr, the women’s rights champion and later social leader and city councilor, introduced methadone dispensing and the fixers, dealers and drug deaths disappeared from the streets of Zurich and addicts began to meet again in the contact and methadone dispensing centers.

Hundreds of young people died of heroin every year

At the age of 17, I moved out of my parents‘ apartment and into a shared apartment (WG) on Forchstrasse, where Rico B. and Tommy M., two literati, lived and published the cultural magazine „Babayaga“ (Russian witch), which was printed by Kaspar P. in the Wettingen spinning mill. Andy, another flatmate worked in the biggest record store in Zurich and he had shipped his collection of over 1200 LPs (records) to our flatmate. This opened up an incredible musical universe for us and we were floating musically in seventh heaven. From then on, things took off, because we were all „subversive“ elements in the eyes of the authorities. „Better subversive than conservative,“ we calmly told ourselves and set out to change the world. As I said, unmarried couples were not allowed to live together at that time. Since we obviously didn’t care, the police often came to the flat-sharing community uninvited. Since there were usually 10-15 people in the 5-room apartment underneath, the two-man patrols were easily overwhelmed and quickly left, accompanied by barking dogs and youthful applause. We were spied on all the more for it, since many „AJZ“ activists also went in and out here. But instead of „making cucumber salad out of the state,“ the creative potential exploded in the gastronomy, club scene, graphic industry and media landscape. After all, we were not interested in a counterrevolution and the abolition of democracy or the establishment of anarchy instead of parliament and the Federal Council, but simply in more freedom in leisure time, at work, in the family, in sexuality, drug use and nightlife. Thus, the „Bewegten“ became very creative in terms of media, published street newspapers, printed flyers and posters, hung them up everywhere (wild posters) and tried out all kinds of new things. Zurich developed from a provincial town to a cosmopolitan city and the atmosphere of departure led to one of the most important socio-political and cultural changes of the last 50 years in Switzerland.

As soon as the „AJZ“ opened at today’s Carparkplatz, we set about converting and furnishing the old factory site and buildings. All kinds of committees were formed: Craftsmen’s Group, „Beizen Group“, „Women’s Group“, „Drugs Group“ and the „Curves Group“, i.e. for young people who had run away from home and had been written out by the police. Two of my friends, the Rimoldi brothers, were in the „Beizengruppe“, my first and my friend Michele Lang, who was six years older, were in the „Kurvengruppe“ and I was in the „Drogengruppe“. It was a rough, but wonderful time of a grandiose atmosphere of departure. The „AJZ“ was indeed very autonomous and we were all one big colorful family of creative individualists, alchemists, anarchists and survival artists. But along with the heroin glut came many very dead people, the youngest were just 13 years old at the time. Mandy, my later girlfriend, who was a year younger at the time, i.e. 17 years old, also died later of an overdose. This inhumane misery lasted until the methadone program came into play, also as a result of HIV infections, and Dr. Uchtenhagen, together with the city councilor Emilie Lieberherr, took the junkies off the streets to finally provide them with humane care in the methadone program. This was a courageous step in the right direction and the methadone model was also copied internationally.

The AJZ was our home! Here we met, here we often slept, here we engaged ourselves very creatively. One of the highlights at that time was the spontaneous concert of Jimmy Cliff in the parking lot. He came one morning to the „AJZ“ with his entourage and was enthusiastic about the Zurich Youth Movement and the autonomous youth center. He was so enthusiastic that he let himself be carried away to a spontaneous concert and we tried in no time to build a stage and to make the installations for the music system and the loudspeakers. Radio 24, Roger Schawinski’s pirate radio station on the Piz Gropero in northern Italy, heard about it and so word of the spontaneous concert spread quickly throughout the city. From 4 p.m. on, more and more young people flocked to the AJZ and brought the streetcar and street traffic at Sihlquai to a standstill. On the square, about 3000 people gathered, frenetically and musically as well as with Marie-Jane fully intoxicated with Jimmy Cliff in ecstasy. „Unforgettable times, indeed – and defining moments for many of my generation.“ Bob Marley, for his part, also visited us at AJZ, but he was rather reserved and preoccupied with himself.

During this time, I also spent a lot of time at the Rote Fabrik, which was also one of the few hot spots in Zurich for young people of the time. There I also met my third friend, a woman and artist named Betty Weber, who was also seven years older than me. She was a Nubian, i.e. a black woman, and also a very creative painter, photographer and sculptor. I had no fear of touching mature women of any skin color and also obviously learned to „cook on old pans,“ as we casually called a relationship between a younger man and an older woman back then.

After the apprenticeship, I first traveled around the USA for six months. I bought a big Chevi Station Wagon in Danville (Ill.) and drove it across the country to San Francisco and L.A. and back to Chicago – according to the motto of Jack Kerouack’s book, „On the road again“. The trip was just as wild and exciting as described in this fantastic book, with the difference that I was alone on the road, but that’s exactly why I met a lot of people and women more spontaneously. Here are two small anec-todes: In the chaste Mormon state of Salt Lake City, of all places, I, then a crisp young 19-year-old hippie, was approached by two women in the parking lot while my ex-girlfriend from Switzerland, who had just visited me for 14 days, was shopping in the mall. The two attractive women had spotted my license plate and wanted to know if I was also from Chicago. The conversation developed into a spontaneous invitation, which I gladly accepted, and so we ended up at the home of the two ladies. I had a good time and exciting discussions with the two, while my ex-girlfriend, who barely spoke English, was bored. At some point she went to sleep, whereupon the one lady unabashedly hit on me, but I was rather keen on her friend. Later I learned that the lady who was flirting with me for all she was worth had dumped my ex-girlfriend with a sleeping pill so we could have a little fun. They know nothing, I thought to myself, and so I ultimately had an amorous adventure with both of them that I remembered for a long time. That was a bit of Woodstock feeling with sex, drugs and rock’n’roll.

I stayed in San Francisco for over a month until the Greatfull Dead New Year’s concert. I parked my Chevi Station Car in the parking lot under the Golden Gate Bridge and there was a large community of people living there in their RVs or Station Cars. You could easily stay there all the time, but you had to leave for three hours every night after three o’clock. Then I would drive over to Berkley and hang out with the night owls there, returning to the parking lot around six in the morning to go to sleep. Here, too, there were two formidable femme fatal who did a number almost every night. So there were, among other things, quite a few permissive and experimental escapades on the 1981 trip that took me across the U.S. from the East Coast to the West Coast and back with over 20,000 miles covered and at least ten tire changes. Almost every third night I was checked by the police, no matter where I parked. With the time I let then in the beam of the headlights, the windows down, stretched out sleepily the Swiss passport and said that I would move tomorrow already again. With it the thing was settled. Impressive was also the young pastor in Denver, who not only did coke but also spent his nights at gambling rounds and then stood freshly cheerful and innocent like an angel again in the church and sang psalms. So much for the Protestant clergy, but much better than the clammy pedophile priests, who were and still are in great numbers. There would be a lot more to tell about the trip to the USA in the truest sense of the word, but let’s return to Switzerland in the 80s.

In the maelstrom of Swiss political scandals

In the 80s there were still enough good jobs. First I worked at the computer center of Oerlikon Bührle, then at an international trading company, later at the „Brauerei Hürlimann“ in the export department, then again for a short time at a trading company, where I shifted the entire import of grain flour from Sweden from road transport to rail and thus implemented a first ecological goal already in the early 80s, which also saved the company a lot of money, since the rail solution was considerably cheaper. After that came three tour guide assignments for three months each in Senegal, Poland and London. When I returned from the three foreign assignments and the subsequent stay underground in South Africa, I worked for „Media Daten Verlag“, which published the „Werbewoche“ and the „Media Trend Journal“, and then became the advertising manager of the „Neue Zürcher Zeitung“ for the areas of tourism, schools and institutes, and was the sales manager of the „Swiss Review of World Affairs“, which was at that time the high-caliber, English-language magazine of the „Neue Zürcher Zeitung“ „NZZ“. Later I produced the tomes, „Portraits of the Swiss Advertising Industry“ and „Portraits of the Swiss Communications Industry“ at the „Bertschi-Verlag“. Through the publishing activity I moved closer and closer to journalism and decided to learn the craft through a PR training at „SAWI“.

In October 1989, I took part in a one-week journalism workshop with the „left-wing“ journalist, writer and historian Niklaus Meienberg, who a short time before had uncovered the „Villiger Scandal“ during World War II. And now surprisingly led us to Kreuzlingen to the asylum seekers‘ reception center, where we found an inhumane situation on the same evening of our arrival. In front of the closed reception center for asylum seekers, about a dozen freezing refugees had lit a fire to protect themselves from the bitter October cold and to warm up, because they had been excluded from the reception center for asylum seekers, they explained to us. The police were in the process of putting out the fire, which infuriated us. Niklaus Meienberg really got going and the eloquent scoundrel orchestrated a verbal tirade of the finest didacticism. But Meienberg would not be Meienberg if words were not followed by deeds, and so he instructed us to move the refugees to the youth hostel, which fortunately was still open. The poor hostel administrator almost fell off his chair when he saw the dozen freezing and run-down refugees in tow of the journalists in front of him, so the usual bureaucratic procedure with the papers started and had to be aborted after the first five people, due to missing identity papers, as hopeless, whereupon the refugees could at least spend this night in the warmth with a little pressure and cost absorption (by the participants).

Meienberg, however, had already called half the Swiss-German press on the scene the next morning and pointed out the inhumane events and practices (punitive action) in front of the refugee center. So we suddenly found ourselves confronted with a crowd of journalists in the press hubbub and besieged the refugee center together with them until we had a discussion with the head of the reception center. Then the politicians and city councilors had their say, and they stonewalled. Peter Arbenz, the federal delegate for refugees at the time, also spoke out and gave the head of the reception center a clean bill of health, while the church organizations demanded more human dignity. And so the whole week was action. The course ended on Friday evening, everyone was able to write a story overnight about the events of the past week and show it to Meienberg on Saturday morning, who then made a short commentary on it, which, however, came out lousy and moody. But I was lucky that my contribution was printed in the then renowned „Weltwoche“ together with the essence of another writing workshop participant just on my birthday. That was the start and incentive to continue in this direction, and because photography had long since grown into a passion, I wanted to combine journalism and reportage photography. There was enough trouble and material, as you will learn in a moment.

In 1990, it came to light that both the federal authorities and the cantonal police corps had created around 900,000 „fiches“ on politically suspicious people since the beginning of the century. According to official figures, more than 700,000 individuals and organizations were recorded, meaning that over a tenth of the population was classified as subversive. The radius of observation initially targeted foreign anarchists, Swiss socialists and trade unionists, writers, unwelcome political refugees and foreigners who were often expelled. With the rise of anti-communism, it was mainly left-wing politicians and members of trade unions who were monitored. The official goal of „fiching“ was to protect the country from subversive activities directed from abroad. The fight against subversion was a widespread slogan during the Cold War. The Parliamentary Investigation Commission „PUK“ brought to light how broadly this woolly term was understood.

As emerged from the documents of the „Untergruppe Nachrichtendienst und Abwehr“ (UNA), zealous state protectors felt that „alternative“, „green“, peace movements, Third World activists, women’s movements and foreign workers‘ supporters, anti-nuclear activists, „leftists“ of all kinds were per se to be classified as potentially dangerous, because they could be communist infiltrated, enemy- or foreign-controlled or otherwise manipulated. So I, too, ordered my „fiche“ from the police and the Ministry of Justice, which turned out to be more detailed than expected, as far as the movement profile and the contacts were concerned, but otherwise was very insignificant, except for the many black spots in the 14-page protocol, which was probably more intended to cover and protect the informer identities than to bring to light state secrets, anti-state activities or „treason“ on the part of the person under surveillance. It showed the blind zeal of the authorities and the sad reflection of their informers. Very few of us were Marxists, Leninists, Maoists or communists or enemies of the state even if the slogan: „Make cucumber salad out of the state“ was chanted. There was a lot of state propaganda to shoot with cannons at sparrows. But we „chaotic people“ never received a „ticket to Moscow“.

Then there was another political scandal: the „P-26“ secret lodge (Project 26) was a secret cadre organization to maintain the will to resist in Switzerland in the event of an occupation. It was set up in 1979/1981 as the successor to the Special Service in the Intelligence and Counterintelligence (UNA) subgroup and was disbanded in 1990 by Federal Councillor Moritz Leuenberger after it was made public by a Parliamentary Investigation Commission (PUK). P-26 members were not supposed to be armed in peacetime, but the illustrious secret society did not care about that. It was planned that they would become active as a group on the orders of any government-in-exile that might remain abroad, in order to serve as a source of intelligence; a combat mission was not envisaged, for that was reserved for the army alone. Nevertheless, the underground organization hoarded weapons and amassed large depots of ammunition. Another scandal put the crown on the whole wiretapping, spying and intelligence circus. But it gets much thicker. The Swiss intelligence service was also infiltrated with „Cold Warriors“.

Switzerland as Apartheid Aide to the Boers

Peter Regli was such a cult figure of the „Cold Warriors“ and an illustrious, shady intelligence figure as head of the Swiss intelligence service from 1991 to 1999. He organized secret pilot exchanges with the apartheid regime in the early 1980s. According to former South African intelligence chief Chris Thirion, the intelligence services of Switzerland and South Africa also agreed in 1986 to exchange know-how on chemical weapons. On January 25, 1988, the head of South Africa’s NBC weapons program, Wouter Basson, who later went down in history as „Doctor Death,“ and police general Lothar Neethling met with representatives of the „AC Laboratory Spiez“ in Bern. Under the „Project Coast“ the military doctor Basson wanted to nip possible uprisings of the black population in the bud with B- and C-weapons at that time. „It is a horrible idea that Switzerland could have secretly participated in this diabolical plan and could have been involved in the extermination of tens of thousands of blacks.“ This shows the doctrine and template thinking of the intelligence agencies at the time. Today it is probably not much better with politically highly stylized enemy images and the algoryhtms.

Before Regli’s forced resignation, he had all files on intelligence and military cooperation with the apartheid regime destroyed in 1999. In 2003, the (DDPS) filed a criminal complaint and opened an administrative investigation against him in connection with the intelligence service’s controversial contacts with the South African apartheid regime. Although a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (PUK) also called this operation unlawful, Regli was fully rehabilitated by the Federal Council in 2007. The destruction of files had been in the interest of Switzerland. Regli’s rehabilitation was controversial, however, and was met with outrage by aid organizations and the political left (Social Democrats, Labor Party, Greens). But how did Regli get these high-ranking foreign contacts to the „CIA“, the „Mossad“ and the South African secret service in the first place? Sources from the „NDB“ environment lead to the secret meetings of the „Club de Berne“. This informal organization was founded in Berne during the Cold War in 1971. It brings together the heads of all the secret services and the federal police from about ten countries, including Germany, the United States, Great Britain and Switzerland, and is still operational today. The aim is to ensure a regular exchange of information between Western intelligence services and federal police corps on current threats. Switzerland was one of the founding members. Israel also played a decisive role and the exchange with the Israeli domestic intelligence service „Schin Bet“ and its foreign counterpart „Mossad“ were intensive. The initiator of the „Bern Club“ was the Italian intelligence chief Umberto Federico d’Amato.

The aim at that time was to build a common cipher system, which also provided excellent services in intercepting foreign nations and in 2020 led to the „Crypto-Affair“… In the mid-1970s, the „Club“ was given an active role in cracking down on left-wing terrorist organizations such as the „RAF,“ the Red Army Faction in Germany, and the „Red Brigades“ in Italy, and so another reporting system was established, separate from the first. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, the „Club“ gained increased importance as a body of political consultation between intelligence and state security services. The organization has become a broadly based internationally known but still very discreet body. In 2001, the „Club“ initiated the Counter Terrorism Group (CTG). This group has reportedly been running a European intelligence center in The Hague since 2016. Since 2016, exploratory talks have been underway with „Europol,“ as the „CTG wanted to network with the police structures of the EU or individual member states. In 2017, German MP Andrej Hunko described the „Berner Club“ and its informal association „CTG“ as „hardly controllable. He also criticized the increasing secretiveness of police work. In Austria, the „Berner Club“ was mentioned in the media in the context of the „BTV affair“. In Germany on the occasion of the controversy surrounding the statements of President of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution Hans-Georg Maassen on the riots in Chemnitz 2018 known. His speech to the „Berner Club“ on October 18, 2018, resulted in his temporary retirement.

Aviva Guttmann, a historian at „King’s College“ in London, is one of the researchers with access to the „Club-de-Berne“ records of the 1980s and 1990s, which are stored in foreign archives. She says „that Regli must have been a member by virtue of his office“ and is certain „that Regli always had a wealth of knowledge that went far beyond his rank.“ Through his participation in the „Club de Berne,“ Regli received information from the „CIA“ and the „Mossad.“ A classic modus operandi for any intelligence chief. But Regli went too far in doing so, „by taking too high a risk of endangering the security of the country and the international obligations and neutrality of political Switzerland. The fact that Regli was able to exchange information with „CIA and „Mossad also had to do with other people who had his back and opened doors for him, such as the head of the internal intelligence service „DAP“. Urs von Daeniken and his superior, Peter Huber, both members of the „Club de Berne“. They fell out of favor after the „Fichenaffäre“ in 1989 and were cold-cocked due to public pressure. Former Federal Councillor Adolf Ogi remembers and says that the head of the secret service became more and more a „problem for him because „Regli was too closely connected with people from the apartheid regime who had built up a chemical-biological weapons program.“

Carla Del Ponte even wanted to arrest Regli because of the South Africa affair that had become public at the time. But this did not happen, first the Bellasi affair intervened, named after the former secret service accountant Dino Bellasi, who was provided with 8.9 million francs by Regli and commissioned to build up a secret arsenal of weapons. When Federal Councillor Ogi took over as head of the Military Department in November 1995 and settled into his post, he hoped to obtain information from his predecessor, FDP Federal Councillor Kaspar Villiger, but he let his successor down. The latter gave him no information about the procedures of the „SND“ or about Peter Regli’s management of the office. So it also happened that Ogi did not know anything about the control of the „CIA“ and „BND“ over „Crypto AG“ until February 12, 2020, as he says himself.

Professionally, I had to do with the military at the beginning of the 90s during my public relations training and at the PR agency „Leipziger & Partner“ in Zumikon, although I was a conscientious objector and supporter of the „Army Abolition Initiative“ and therefore no army friend or war weapons fetishist. My boss, Dr. Emil S., was a colonel in the military, „AUNS“-member and a „little Nazi“ and therefore not one of my special friends or role models. But professionally, he was a PR ace and very well connected, which meant that despite my aversion to Ernst Cincera, Peter Sager and Christoph Blocher, I benefited a lot from his know-how and contacts to the military cadre or to moderate civilian organizations such as „Helvetas“ and the „Europa Institut“. At the PR agency „Leipziger & Partner“ I organized, among others, the „Forum 91“ and the „Colloquium Security Policy & Media“ with „NATO“ General Klaus Naumann as guest, two highly political forums with high-ranking military officers, politicians, scientists and media representatives.

Two worlds collided there: Here the young freak who showed sympathy for the „Army Abolition Initiative“ and evaded recruit school, but was happy to do civilian service instead. One who also sympathized with the anti-nuclear movement! On the other side the bourgeois establishment, the top of the Swiss Army up to the guest speaker, „NATO“-General Klaus Naumann, who was only escorted into the auditorium by three cantonal police officers. Since I knew the security arrangements in detail, it would have been easy for me to perpetrate an act of terrorism that would have dealt a severe blow to the Swiss Army leadership. I secretly imagined what it would have been like if I had been able to destroy the local military elite with one blow from one of the 35mm anti-aircraft projectiles from my former training company „Oerlikon Bührle“ or another explosive device. That’s when I realized that even as a pacifist you can consider some abysmal scenarios if you think in military terms, as was commonplace and customary in military and espionage circles and with my boss. 

So the 1980s were marked by major political upheavals triggered by the youth movement, which politicized an entire generation, because the domestic political upheavals also had a lot to do with the international situation. With the schemas of the Cold War, the Vietnam War, the Six Days War and invasion of Israel in the Palestinian territories, the liberation movements in Latin America such as the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, the Tupamors or the „Sender Luminoso“ in Peru, as well as the struggle of the „Red Army Faction“ (RAF) in Germany and the „Red Brigades“ in Italy. Fueled by this, young activists were also inclined to abolish the army and shut down nuclear power plants (sometimes a reaction because of the Chernobyl nuclear accident). So we looked far outside the box and showed solidarity or got involved with the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, who wanted to say goodbye to dictator Somoza, and with the Palestinians. During the youth riots, we all wore the Palestinian scarves as protection against the tear gas petards. The U.S. imperialist skirmishes in Cuba, Grenada and Panama also infuriated us. And so it is no wonder that we went out into the world to discover new things and to do away with old ones.

Of course, all these political facts were not known to me/us at that time in this density and detail, but the many scandals fit into the „ideological enemy image“ that I experienced on a private and business level at the Oerlikon Bührle training company and later during PR training.

Schweiz-Südafrika: Makabere Waffengeschäfte und Atomdeals gedeckt vom Schweizer Politfilz

Auszug aus dem noch unveröffentlichten Buch «DAS PENDEL SCHLÄGT ZURÜCKPOLITISCHE & ÖKOLOGISCHE METAMORPHOSEN» des Zürcher Fotojournalisten Gerd Michael Müller

VORWORT

Das Buch des Zürcher Foto-Journalisten Gerd Michael Müller nimmt Sie ab den wilden 80er Jahren mit auf eine spannende Zeitreise durch 30 Länder und 40 Jahre Zeitgeschichte mit Fokus auf mehrere politische und ökologische Vorgänge in Krisenregionen rund um den Globus. Er beleuchtet das Schicksal indigener Völker, zeigt die Zerstörung ihres Lebensraumes auf, rückt ökologische Aspekte und menschenliche Schicksale in den Vordergrund, analysiert scharfsichtig und gut informiert die politischen Transformationsprozesse. Müller prangert den masslosen Konsum und die gnadenlose Ausbeutung der Ressourcen an, zeigt die Auswirkungen wirtschaftlicher, gesellschaftlicher und politischer Prozesse auf und skizziert Ansätze zur Bewältigung des Klimawandels. Pointiert hintergründig, spannend und erhellend. Eine Mischung aus globalem Polit-Thrillern, gehobener Reiseliteratur, gespickt mit sozialkritischen und abenteuerlichen Geschichten sowie persönlicher Essays – den Highlights und der Essenz seines abenteuerlich wilden Nomaden-Lebens für die Reportage-Fotografie. Nach der Lektüre dieses Buchs zählen Sie zu den kulturell, ökologisch sowie politisch versierten Globetrotter.

Vor dem Hintergrund der im vorherigen Kapitel: „Der Schweizer Geheimdienst diente Wouter Basson alias «Doktor Tod»“ geschilderten Ereignisse, erstaunt es wenig, dass sich «Oerlikon-Bührle» nicht an den Waffenausfuhrstopp von 1963 gebunden fühlte und 1964/1965 nicht nur die vom Ausfuhrstopp betroffenen 30 Oerlikon 35-mm-Geschütze illegal nach Südafrika, sondern 1965 zusätzliche 90 Geschütze für 52,7 Mio. Franken und – über Italien – 45 Superfledermaus-Feuerleitgeräte für 54 Mio. Franken nach Südafrika lieferte. Selbst nachdem im Zuge des Bührle-Skandals vom November 1968 ein Teil dieser illegalen Geschäfte bekannt wurde – die widerrechtliche Lieferung von Geschützen und Munition nach Südafrika – ging einfach weiter! Die letzten 16 Geschütze wurden 1969 über den Hafen von Genua nach Südafrika verschifft, was den Schweizer Behörden bekannt war, aber nie Gegenstand der damals laufenden Strafuntersuchungen wurde. „Sie übten sich konsequent in fahrlässiger Ahnungslosigkeit, aktiver Duldung und Mitwirkung, was die illegalen Geschäfte von «Oerlikon-Bührle» erst möglich machte“, schrieb der Autor der Studie, Peter Hug. Wie neue Dokumente aus Südafrika erstmals belegen, ging zudem das illegale Rüstungsgeschäft mit dem Apartheidstaat weit über den «Oerlikon-Bührle-Konzern hinaus.

Auch die «Hispano Suiza (Suisse) SA» in Genf lieferte im grossen Stil illegal 20-mm Geschütze nach Südafrika. Grundlage bildete ein Liefervertrag von 1967 für 126 Hispano-20-mm Geschütze, Munition und die Übertragung von Lizenzrechten im Wert von über 21 Mio. Franken. Per Bundesratsentscheid wurde 1969 eine Ausdehnung der Strafuntersuchung über die «OerlikonBührle AG» hinaus auf politischem Weg ausgeschlossen. Mit Unterstützung des damaligen Verteidigungsministers Giulio Andreotti und Geheimdienstchefs General Egidio Viggiani unterliefen auch die «Contraves Italiana» in Rom und die «Oerlikon Italiana» in Mailand in grossem Stil das italienische Waffenausfuhrverbot nach Südafrika.

„Die Schweizer Behörden unterstützten die Unterlaufung des Waffenembargos über Tochter- und Partnerfirmen in den Nachbarstaaten, indem sie bei der Zulieferung von Bestandteilen aus der Schweiz keine Endverbraucher-Bescheinigungen forderten, so dass diese von dort problemlos nach Südafrika weitergeschoben werden konnten“,protokollierte Peter Huber in seinem Bericht zur Aufarbeitung des düsteren Kapitels bei den Beziehungen der Schweiz zum sanktionierten Apartheidstaat.  .

Das wichtigste Schlupfloch bildete die Weigerung der Schweiz, die Uno-Resolution 182 (1963) vom 4. Dezember 1963 umzusetzen, die alle Staaten aufrief, den Verkauf und die Auslieferung von Ausrüstungsgütern und Material zu stoppen, das in Südafrika zur Herstellung und den Unterhalt von Waffen und Munition diente. Erst 1996 unterstellte die Schweiz die Übertragung von Lizenzrechten für die Herstellung von Rüstungsgütern im Ausland einer Bewilligungspflicht.

Das «Lyttelton Engineering Works» in Pretoria fertigte ab 1964 Läufe zur 35-mm Oerlikon-Kanone und ab Anfang der 1970er Jahre ganze Geschütze. Die «Pretoria Metal Pressings fertigte gestützt auf Lizenzverträge mit der Werkzeugmaschinenfabrik «Oerlikon Bührle»ab 1964 Oerlikon 30-mm- und 35-mm Munition, die «African Explosives» and Chemical Industries» die dafür benötigten Treibladungsmittel. Ab 1967 fertigte Südafrika auch die 20-mm Geschützläufe und –Munition der «Hispano Suiza in Lizenz.  

Um 1964 stieg die «Plessey (South Africa) Ltd. in die Fertigung von «Contraves Mosquito» Panzerabwehrraketen ein, wobei diese Lizenz-produktion nicht restlos geklärt werden konnte. Dies gilt auch für die Fertigung von «Tavaro»Zünder-Bestandteilen durch die «Instrument Manufacturing Corp of South Africa» in Plumstead bei Kapstadt.

1972 schloss die «Gretag AG» Regensdorf in Südafrika einen Lizenzvertrag zu Fertigung ihrer Chiffriergeräte ab. 1974 stieg die Tochtergesellschaft der «Wild Heerbrugg AG»im St. Gallischen Rheintal, die «Wild South Africa» in Johannesburg, in die Fertigung optischer Geräte für die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte ein. All diese Lizenzübertragungen waren von Zulieferungen und technischen Beratungsdienstleistungen begleitet. All dies wurde von den weitmaschigen Bestimmungen der Schweizer Kriegsmaterial-Ausfuhrregelungen nicht erfasst. Weder in der Industrie noch bei den Behörden wurden jemals Stimmen laut, die sich gegen die Nutzung dieser Schlupflöcher ausgesprochen hätten.

Die Militär- und Nuklearsanktionen der Uno von 1977 und die Schweiz Anfang der 1970er Jahre leiteten die Vereinten Nationen einen intensiven Diskussionsprozess über die Frage ein, inwiefern internationale Wirtschaftsbeziehungen auf die Lage der Menschenrechte einwirkten. Einige Uno-Gremien gingen sehr weit, indem sie behaupteten, jegliche wirtschaftliche, politische und kulturelle Tätigkeit in Südafrika trage zur Erhaltung der Apartheidpolitik bei.

Indem die schweizerische Aussenpolitik jeweils bestritt, dass zwischen Direktinvestitionen in Südafrika und gegenseitigen Handels- und Finanzbeziehungen und der Lage der Menschenrechte in Südafrika ein Zusammenhang be-stand, stand sie in einer Extremposition. Und ich war damals als 16 jähriger plötzlich ins Weltgeschehen involviert, da ich von 1975 bis 1978 meine kaufmännische Ausbildung bei der «Oerlikon Bührle» in Zürich machte und sechs Monate in der Exportabteilung arbeitete und dort all die Exportpapiere, Ausfuhrbewilligungen, Akkreditive usw. ausfertigte und mich daran erinnerte, wie ich stutze, gewisse Rüstungsgüter über die Tochterfirmen in Italien und Spanien auszuführen und einfach deren Adresse als Exporteur einfügte.

Nachdem die politische Verunsicherung, die 1976 das Massaker von Soweto und die darauf folgende Repressionswelle innerhalb und ausserhalb Südafrikas in der Schweizer Regierung erneut kaum Spuren hinterliess, sah sich die Schweiz auf internationaler Ebene zunehmend isoliert. In dem Masse, wie sich die soziale Basis des Widerstandes in Südafrika Anfang der 1980er Jahre verbreiterte und die Repression der südafrikanischen Regierung härter wurde und sich militarisierte, rückte die Schweiz noch näher an Südafrika heran.

Alle anderen Staaten schlossen sich dem Ruf nach mehr oder weniger weitgehenden Sanktionen an. Die Schweiz war mit ihrem kategorischen Nein im Uno-System sehr einsam geworden. Parallel schlossen sich auch in der Verwaltung die Reihen. So etablierte sich über alle Departe-mente hinweg eine gegenüber konkreten Veränderungen immune und stark ideologisierte Haltung, die nicht in der Lage war, auf die das breite Spektrum der Uno-Südafrika-Diskussion differenziert zu reagieren.

Innenpolitisches Gegenstück dieser starren Haltung bildete eine Verhärtung der Fronten entlang des links-rechts-Schemas. Die Selbstverständlichkeit, mit der alle wichtigen Bundesämter und die mit ihnen verbundenen Verbände und Anstalten die Politik unterstützten, die Schweiz in der Südafrikafrage ausserhalb der überwältigenden Mehrheit der Uno-Mitgliedstaaten zu positionieren, mag heute überraschen. Gerade diese Selbstverständlichkeit bestätigt indes, dass der Konsens und die Blindheit in der Bandbreite weit verbreitet und verankert war.

Trotz Widerstand der Bundespolizei traf sich der südafrikanische Sanitätsarzt 1980 auch mit dem Schweizer Oberfeldarzt; weitere Treffen folgten. Nahmen 1977 das Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten und 1979 das Militärprotokoll noch gegen den Austausch von Offizieren der Flieger- und Flabtruppen zwischen den beiden Staaten Stellung, leitete Flugwaffenchef Arthur Moll 1980 eine Wende ein. Er traf den südafrikanischen Luftwaffenchef an der Flugschau in Farnborough und lud diesen zum Erstaunen seines Partners wenige Tage später zu einem offiziellen Besuch nach der Schweiz ein.

Grundlage bildete das 1983 abgeschlossene Geheimschutzabkommen. Damit erhielten die südafrikanischen Militärpiloten Einblick in geheime Methoden der Kampfführung und technische Einzelheiten der Schweizer Flugwaffe. Der Pilotenaustausch setzte sich während den ganzen 1980er Jahren fort. Neben der militärisch-technischen ist auch die politische Ebene zu beachten. Mit der Verschärfung der gesellschaftlichen Konflikte innerhalb Südafrikas und dem sich erhöhenden internationalen Druck auf Südafrika bauten die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte im Verlauf der 1980er Jahre ihre Propagandatätigkeit massiv aus.

Die Streitkräfte und vor allem der militärische Nachrichtendienst scheuten zur Durchsetzung ihrer sogenannten Comops»-Projekte Geld noch Kontakte bis hin zu gewaltbereiten rechtsextremen Kräften. In der Schweiz baute der südafrikanische Militärattaché und andere Kontaktpersonen Kontakte zu teilweise schillernden Figuren am äussersten rechten Rand des politischen Spektrums auf, darunter zu Jürg Meister, Chefredaktor der von Karl Friedrich Grau herausgegebenen «Intern Informationen».

Wie aus den Unterlagen des militärischen Nachrichtendienstes Südafrikas hervorgeht, mass dieser dem Kontakt zu Leuten wie dem Zürcher «Subversivenjäger» Ernst Cincera, dem Leiter des Schweizerischen Ostinstituts, Peter Sager, und dem Präsidenten der Arbeitsgruppe südliches Afrika, Christoph Blocher, grosse Bedeutung zu. Comops»Operationen in der Schweiz betrafen Pressionsversuche auf Fernsehen, Radio und Printmedien.

Proteste der «Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung der Schweiz blieben ungehört. Mehr Fragen als Antworten werfen eine lange Reihe unaufgeklärter Fälle auf, bei denen die Bundespolizei und andere Untersuchungsorgane starke Hinweise auf Verbrechen und Sanktionsbrüche erhielten, aus Rücksichtnahme auf die südafrikanische Regierung und ihre prominenten Freunde in der Schweiz aber davor zurückschreckte, die beschafften Informationen gerichtlich zu verwerten. Im Falle einer Rüstungsfirma in der Ostschweiz, die im grossen Stil Waffenschieber-geschäfte mit Südafrika abschloss, begnügte sich die Bundespolizei damit, der Konzernspitze zu empfehlen, einen der ungeschickt operierenden Mitarbeiter aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen und dafür zu sorgen, dass die Schiebereien diskreter abgewickelt wurden.  

Sehr weit ging die Zusammenarbeit der Eidgenössischen «Pulverfabrik Wimmis mit dem führenden südafrikanischen Hersteller von Munition und Treibladungspulver «Somchem». «Wimmis» stellte der «Somchem» 1979 via «Oerlikon-Bührle AG» eine Produktionslizenz für Treibla-dungspulver für 20-mm- und 35-mm-Munition zur Verfügung, bildete «Somchem»-Ingenieure in topgeheimen Anlagen in «Wimmis» aus und hielt sich mit ihren Spitzenkräften, darunter dem Direktor und dem Chefchemiker, mehrfach während Wochen bei der «Somchem» auf, um aufgetretene Probleme bei der Lizenzproduktion und der übrigen Herstellung militärischer Explosivstoffe zu lösen.

«Oerlikon-Bührle» gewährte im Rahmen des Projektes «Sleeve» und «Skavot» im grossen Stil technische und Management-Hilfe zur Fortentwicklung des 35-mm-Fliegerabwehrsystems. Zahlreiche topgeheime Geschäfte liessen sich in den 1980er Jahre nachweisen, die Südafrika mit Unterstützung des militärischen Geheimdienstes in der Schweiz abwickelte, darunter vom Heer die Projekte «Floor», «Jansalie», «Algebra», «Fargo» und «Nack», von der südafrikanischen Luftwaffe die Projekte «Divorce» und «Finial» für die Flugplatz-Navigation und ein Projekt, um Probleme bei den Mirage-Flugzeugen zu beheben. Ferner das Projekt «Aquila», das die Beschaffung von Ausrüstungsgütern im Raume Genf betraf, das Projekt «Janitor», das dem Aufbau eines zivil-militärischen Luftraumüberwachungssystems diente, oder die Projekte «Alexandri» und «Bessie», die die südafrikanische Flotte in den 1980er Jahren in der Schweiz abwickelte.

Der Schweizerische Bundesrat hatte am 16. April 2003 allen Grund, die Einsicht in Südafrika-Akten in der Schweiz zu stoppen. Denn es sind in der Schweiz viele, die aus tiefer politischer Überzeugung die Apartheid-Regierung in Südafrika unterstützt und am völkerrechtswidrigen und völkerrechtskonformen Geschäft mit dieser kräftig mitverdient haben. Diese rabenschwarze, rassistische Haltung und nahe an Kriegsverbrechen andienende Schweizer Vergangenheit wurde bis heute nur mangelhaft aufgearbeteitet und hatte für keine der Beteiligten rechtliche Konsequenzen. Alles wurde helvetisch diskret und sauber unter den Tisch gewischt und jegliche Mitverantwortung abgelehnt. Dabei haben wir es hier mit einer ebenso rassistischen Nazi-Doktrin und Kriegsverbrechen zu tun.

Das war also die Ausgangslage, die mich antrieb, mir selbst ein Bild von der Situation und den Lebensumständen der Schwarzen Bevölkerung in Südafrika unter dem Apartheidregime zu machen, wie wir gleich im nächsten Kapitel erfahren. Doch zuvor noch einen Blick auf die heutigen helvetischen Rüstungsgütern allen voran der «PC-12 Spectre Pilatus Porter» , der den Amerikanern bei Aufklärungsflügen und gezielten Tötungen ausgezeichnete Dienste leistet. Insgesamt 28 modifizierte «PC-12» stehen derzeit für die US-Luftwaffe im Einsatz.

Im Februar 2021 feierte die US-Air Force 600000 «PC-12» Flugstunden und einen preisgekrönten Flug im Rahmen der «Find, fix and finish»–Spezialoperationen in Afghanistan, im Irak, in Somalia und im Jemen, bei denen auch Zivilisten und Kinder ums Leben kamen. Der preisgekrönte «Draco»-Flug (der Spitzname für den modifizierten PC-12 Spectre) fand am 14. August 2018 im afghanischen Gebiet von Ghasni statt, als die Taliban die afghanischen Streitkräfte aufrieben. Bei dieser Schlacht kamen 150 Soldaten der afghanischen Arme, 220 Taliban und 95 ZivilistInnen ums Leben.

Und nun zur politischen Dimension in der Schweiz. Das Staatssekretariat für Wirtschaft (secco) wuste seit spätestens 2008, dass der «PC-12 Spectre» der «Pilatus Flugzeugwerke AG» in Stans auch in den USA für militärische Zwecke verwendet und durch die Firma «Sierra Nevada Corporatioin» (SNC) mit gesicherten Datenverbindungen ins Pentagon und zur NATO-Einsatzzentrale und Full-Motion-Videoübermittlung ausgerüstet wurden.

Das «secco» wusste auch, dass die Amis damit die afghanischen Streitkräfte ausrüsten wollten – also dass es sich um brandaktuelle Kriegseinsätze handelt, als weitere achtzehn Stück bestellt wurden. Das galt trotz besseren Wissens nicht einmal als Rüstungsgüter-Export qualifiziert unter dem fadenscheinigen Vorwand, die Schweiz liefere nur die zivile Standart-Version. Dass das «secco» mit dieser scheinheiligen Argumentatioin durchkommt ist ein Skandal.

Weitere Berichte, die Sie interessieren könnten:

Gadaffis Milliarden in den Händen Zumas untergetaucht

Im Kampf gegen die Apartheid im Untergrund

Die Schweiz als Apartheid Gehilfen der Buren

Bürgerkrieg 93/94: IKRK-Einsätze im «ANC-IFP»-Konflikt

Zu den Print Reportagen von Gerd Müller über Südafrika:

Aargauer Zeitung: Der neue Feind heisst Kriminalität

Tages Anzeiger: Südafrika steht ein Bombenjahr bevor

Tages-Anzeiger: Alle 40 Minuten wird ein Mensch getötet

Travel Inside:  Vom ANC-Aktivist zum Tourismuspromotor    

Relax & Style: Ökopioniere und sozial Engagierte 

Südostschweiz: Beim Büffel auf den Baum                               

Sonntags Blick: Tierparks so gross wie die Schweiz                                            

Reiseplaner: Nächster Halt am Zebrastreifen                                   

On Trip: African Healer (On Trip)                    

Wellness live:  Bushmen-Medizin am schönsten Ende der Welt   

OnTripGuerrisseurs Africaines 

Aufarbeitung eines düsteren Kapitels der Schweiz in Südafrika

Mit der Apartheidregierung gegen den Kommunismus Die militärischen, rüstungsindustriellen und nuklearen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika und die Apartheid-Debatte der Uno, 1948–1994

Synthese der Studie von Peter Hug(NPF 42)

Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse Die Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika waren politisch, militärisch und rüstungsindustriell in jenen Jahren am intensivsten, als die Durchsetzung der südafrikanischen Politik der Rassentrennung (Apartheid) am stärksten von schweren Menschenrechtsverletzungen und offener Gewaltanwendung begleitet war, nämlich in den 1980er Jahren.

Die Schweizer Industrie hat das Waffenembargo, das die Uno über Südafrika verhängte, in grossem Stil unterlaufen. Sie verletzte selbst die von der Schweiz definierten Regeln über die Waffenausfuhr, obschon sie weit enger gefasst waren als jene der Uno. Die Verwaltung war über viele illegale und halblegale Geschäfte informiert. Sie duldete sie stillschweigend, unterstützte sie teilweise aktiv oder kritisierte sie halbherzig. Der Bundesrat war aber über das Meiste nicht informiert und nahm seine Aufgabe der politischen Oberaufsicht kaum wahr. Dies trifft auch auf die nachrichtendienstliche Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Schweiz und Südafrika zu. Der Austausch nachrichtendienstlicher Informationen setzte fünf Jahre früher ein, als bisher bekannt war, und trug direkt zur Anbahnung von Rüstungsgeschäften, der Bekämpfung von Apartheidgegnern und zur politischen Propaganda zugunsten der südafrikanischen Regierung bei.

Die Schweizer Industrie gehörte auch zu den Stützen des geheimen südafrikanischen Atomwaffenprogramms. Die «Gebrüder Sulzer AG» und die «VAT Haag» lieferten wichtige Komponenten zur südafrikanischen Urananreicherung, die für die sechs von Südafrika hergestellten Atombomben das notwendige spaltbare Material bereitstellte. Die Schweiz war insofern in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine Stütze der Apartheidregierung. Sie verfügte im internationalen Vergleich nur über eine schwache innenpolitische Lobby, die Menschenrechtsfragen höher gewichtete als strategische und wirtschaftliche Interessen.

Durch die Distanz zur Uno blieben auch nach 1945 eine Neigung zu rassistischen Vorstellungen politisch wirksam, die ab Ende der 1970er Jahre durch einen ebenso unreflektierten Antikommunismus abgelöst wurde. Für die meisten Akteure aus Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und allen Departementen war es gebräuchlich, mit der Apartheid-Regierung Südafrikas zusammenzuarbeiten. Im Klima des Kalten Krieges wurde jede Kritik daran mit dem Argument erstickt, das antikommunistische Bollwerk am Kap müsse erhalten bleiben.

Die dank Netzwerkbildung und Androhung von Gerichtsklagen erkämpfte Einsicht in südafrikanische Gegenakten und der begrenzte Einblick in Bestände des Schweizerischen Bundesarchivs und des Vororts des Schweizerischen Handels- und Industrievereins zeigen auf, dass die Schweiz während der Apartheidzeit zu Südafrika enge militärische, nachrichtendienstliche, rüstungsindustrielle und nukleare Beziehungen unterhielt.

Die Fragestellung des Projekts lautete, wie die auf Südafrika bezogene Aussenpolitik der Schweiz ausgestaltet war und welche inneren und äusseren Entstehungsbedingungen ihr zugrunde lagen. Indem die Uno der wichtigste Ort war, wo die Völkergemeinschaft die süd[1]afrikanische Apartheidpolitik diskutierte, bot sich die Südafrikadiskussion in der Uno als geeigneter Prüfstein an, um die Haltung der aussenpolitischen Verantwortungsträger in der Schweiz gegenüber der südafrikanischen Apartheidpolitik zu untersuchen. Das Projekt klärte in einem ersten Schritt, welche Rolle die offizielle Schweiz in diesem Uno-Prozess spielte, wie sich dieser in der Schweiz auf die staatlichen und gesellschaftlichen Institutionen und die öffentliche Wahrnehmung übersetzte und wie die Uno-Südafrikapolitik der Schweiz auf ihre multilaterale Stellung und auf Aspekte ihrer bilateralen Beziehungen mit dem Apartheidstaat zurückwirkte.

Der Blick auf den Wellenschlag der Uno-Südafrika-Diskussion in die schweizerische Behörden- und Verbandslandschaft bildete das methodische Instrument, um die Sensibilität von Staat und Gesellschaft der Schweiz gegenüber der Menschenrechtsfrage in Südafrika zu untersuchen und zu klären, wie Regierung, Behörden, Verbände und weitere gesellschaftliche Kreise der Schweiz die mit der Apartheidpolitik verbundenen Menschenrechtsprobleme wahrgenommen und wie sie auf diese reagiert haben. In einem zweiten Schritt sollte anhand eines geeigneten Bereichs der bilateralen Beziehungen die Frage geklärt werden, inwiefern die von der Uno geprägten Normen gegen die Apartheid das Verhalten der Schweiz gegenüber Südafrika beeinflussten. Ausgewählt wurden die militärischen, rüstungsindustriellen und nuklearen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika, da diese von der Uno besonders aufmerksam beobachtet und teilweise geächtet wurden.

Die Gegenüberstellung der Ergebnisse aus den verschiedenen Ebenen der multilateralen Analyse mit jenen der erwähnten Bereiche der bilateralen Beziehungen stellte methodisch einen ausreichend vielschichtigen Interpretationsrahmen bereit, um trotz des lückenhaften Zugangs zu den einschlägigen Quellen gesicherte Aussagen treffen zu können. Die südafrikanische Regierung verfolgte im 20. Jahrhundert fast durchgängig das Ziel, als anerkanntes Mitglied der «zivilisierten» Völkergemeinschaft in allen wichtigen internationalen Organisationen gleichberechtigt mitzuwirken und war bereits in der Völkerbundzeit auf der internationalen Bühne präsent. Die Schweizer Diplomatie mass der südafrikanischen Stimme in internationalen Organisationen schon damals einiges Gewicht zu.

Nach 1945 zeichneten sich zwischen der Uno-Politik der Schweiz und der Südafrikanischen Union erneut Berührungspunkte ab. Das spezifische Verhältnis der beiden Staaten zum nationalsozialistischen Deutschland war dafür ausschlaggebend. Da die Schweiz Deutschland nie den Krieg erklärt hatte, war sie auf die Fürsprache von Uno-Gründerstaaten angewiesen, um ihr Ziel, die Mitwirkung in möglichst vielen Uno-Organisationen unter internationaler Anerkennung der Neutralität, zu erreichen. Zu den potenziellen Verbündeten der Schweiz gehörte neben Grossbritannien auch die Südafrikanische Union.

Hier war die wichtigste innenpolitische Opposition, die Nationale Partei, während des Krieges ebenfalls für die Neutralität eingetreten. Sie leitete nach dem Krieg – ähnlich wie die Schweiz, aber anders als die Alliierten –, aus der Niederschlagung des Nationalsozialismus ebenfalls keinen Bedarf für eine internationale Menschenrechtspolitik ab. Begleitet von einem starken Aufschwung der bilateralen Handelsbeziehungen zwischen der Schweiz und der Südafrikanischen Union bildete deren für die Schweiz innerhalb der Uno interessante Position ein wichtiges Argument, damit die Schweizer Regierung im September 1945 dem Parlament den Ausbau der diplomatischen Beziehungen und die Eröffnung einer Gesandtschaft in Pretoria beantragte. 1949 gehörte die Schweiz zu den ersten Staaten, denen der neu gewählte nationalistische Premierminister Malan einen offiziellen Besuch abstattete.

Die Anfänge der Uno-Südafrika-Diskussion und die Schweiz, 1945–1960 In der Uno-Vollversammlung bildete sich früh ein menschenrechtlich begründeter Konsens gegen die Politik der rassisch getrennten Entwicklung (Apartheid) in Südafrika heraus. Auf Antrag Indiens forderte schon die erste Uno-Vollversammlung 1946 die südafrikanische Regierung auf, die rassischen Verfolgungen und Diskriminierungen zu beenden. 1950 erklärte die Uno-Vollversammlung die Apartheid an sich als rassendiskriminierend und damit menschenrechtswidrig. Wenn auch der Kalte Krieg die Arbeit der Uno-Menschenrechtskommission behinderte und die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte von 1948 rechtlich unverbindlich blieb, kam diesen nach dem Krieg aufgrund der Shoah eine kaum überschätzbare moralische Autorität zu.

Die Westmächte hatten zwar ein grundlegendes strategisches Interesse an einer antikommunistisch orientierten Regierung in der Südafrikanischen Union. Sie konnten sich aber dem menschenrechtlich und antikolonial begründeten Uno-Konsens, die südafrikanische Regierung zur Beseitigung der Apartheid aufzurufen, nicht entziehen. Die Schweizer Diplomatie beobachtete den Menschenrechtsdiskurs der Uno mit Argwohn. Er galt ihr – so argumentierte auch die südafrikanische Regierung – als Instrument der Grossmächte zur Durchsetzung ihrer Hegemonialinteressen.

Die Regierungen der Schweiz und der Südafrikanischen Union stimmten auch in weiteren Fragen überein: Im entschiedenen Antikommunismus, der Auffassung, dass die deutschen Verbrechen nicht geahndet werden müssten, und der Betonung der nationalen Souveränität, die sich gegen tatsächliche oder vermeintliche Übergriffe der Grossmächte richtete. Die Schweizer Diplomatie hatte zudem – ganz im Unterschied zu den USA und anderen westlichen Staaten – im Innern keine Rücksicht auf antirassistische Interessengruppen zu nehmen.

Zwar bezogen die Schweizer Gewerkschaftsvertreter in der «Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation» (ILO) und die Vertreter und Vertreterinnen der Frauenrechtsorganisationen und der Lehrer- und Volkshochschulverbände in der Internationalen Organisation für Erziehung, Wissenschaft und Kultur (Unesco) klar Stellung für die Menschenrechte und gegen jede Form der rassischen Diskriminierung. Ihre Konfliktbereitschaft war aber gering, und für den Bundesrat und den diplomatischen Apparat der Schweiz war es ein Leichtes, deren Einsatz für die Menschenrechte und gegen den Rassismus zu marginalisieren.

Dies gelang umso eher, als auch die Wissenschaft in der Schweiz den von der «Unesco» betriebenen Bruch mit dem pseudowissenschaftlich begründeten, in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts weit über den Nationalsozialismus hinaus verbreiteten Rassismus zunächst nicht mitmachte, und rassistische Denkmuster ausser- und innerhalb des diplomatischen Apparates bis weit in die 1960er Jahre verbreitet blieben.

Damit bildete sich in den frühen 50er Jahren eine gesellschaftliche Konstellation heraus, die über das Ende der Apartheid hinaus bestimmend blieb: Einer strategisch begründeten Nähe der wirtschaftlichen, politischen und gesellschaftlichen Elite der Schweiz zur südafrikanischen Regierung stand eine schwach organisierte, aber von breiten Kreisen in der Bevölkerung geteilte, menschenrechtlich und moralisch begründete Ablehnung jeder Form der Rassendiskriminierung gegenüber. Im Zweifelsfall hatte dabei eine Kombination aus Gleichgültigkeit, Eigennutz und Antikommunismus vor moralischen Kategorien Vorrang.

Südafrikas Rüstung und die Schweiz vor dem Uno-Embargo 1963 Die nationalistische Regierung in Pretoria konnte ihre Politik der nationalen Unabhängigkeit nur schrittweise durchsetzen. Die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte fristeten bis 1960 ein Schattendasein und stellten nicht mehr als ein schlecht ausgerüstetes und schlecht ausgebildetes Anhängsel der britischen Kolonialpolitik dar. Mehr als die Hälfte des Beschaffungshaushalts der 1950er Jahre floss in «Centurion»-Kampfpanzer, die die Südafrikanische Union im Rahmen des «Middle East Defence» Konzepts – von ungenügend ausgebildeten Truppen bedient und technisch kaum unterhalten – den britischen Streitkräften zur Verfügung hielt.

Als sich diese aufgrund geopolitischer Veränderungen nach der Suezkrise aus dem Mittleren Osten zu[1]rückzogen, entschied die Südafrikanische Union, die «Centurion»-Kampfpanzer aufzugeben. Die Hälfte, über 100 Stück, ging nach der Schweiz. Zwar beantragte im Schweizer Parlament die Sozialdemokratische Fraktion im Herbst 1960 unter Hinweis auf die Apartheidpolitik Südafrikas Nichteintreten.

Im Klima des Kalten Krieges fanden aussenpolitische und menschenrechtliche Überlegungen gegen das Argument, es gelte, hier und in Südafrika den Kommunismus abzuwehren, ausserhalb des linken Lagers jedoch keine Unterstützung. Anfang der 1960er Jahre beschleunigte sich die Loslösung Südafrikas aus dem britischen Commonwealth. Die nationalistische Regierung betrieb eine Politik der nationalen Stärke und Eigenständigkeit und vervielfachte innert weniger Jahre die Militärausgaben der südafrikanischen Republik. Zahlreiche südafrikanische Militärdelegationen reisten quer durch Europa und klärten das Angebot an Rüstungsgütern ab.

Auch in der Schweiz empfingen ab 1960/61 die Spitzen der Verwaltung, der Armee und der Wirtschaft hochtrangige Delegationen der südafrikanischen Streitkräfte. Praktisch sämtliche wichtigen Anbieter von Waffen und militärischen Ausrüstungsgütern der Schweiz unterbreiteten den südafrikanischen Beschaffungsbehörden Angebote. Politische Vorbehalte gab es in Wirtschaft, Militärdepartement und Schweizer Armee keine. Im Gegenteil wirkten das Militärdepartement in Bern und die diplomatische Vertretung der Schweiz in Südafrika bei der Anbahnung und Abwicklung von Rüstungsgeschäften aktiv mit und stellte die Schweizer Armee der privaten Rüstungsindustrie ihre Schiess- und Waffenplätze zur Verfügung, damit diese ihre Produkte den südafrikanischen Beschaffungsdelegationen vorführen konnte.

Im Dezember 1961 erteilte das südafrikanische Verteidigungsministerium der Oerlikon-Bührle-Gruppe»den Auftrag, bis Ende 1963 36 Zwillings-Fliegerabwehrgeschütze 35 mm und 18 Feuerleitgeräte Superfledermaus mit Munition und Zubehör im Wert von 43 Mio. Franken zu liefern. 1963 folgte der Auftrag, für die französische Defa»-Kanone, die der Bewaffnung der Mirage-Flugzeuge diente, 30-mm-Munition im Wert von 10,6 Mio. Franken zu fertigen und Südafrika das Lizenzrecht zur Fertigung dieser Munition zu übertragen. In beiden Fällen bemühte sich auch die «Hispano Suiza (Suisse) SA» in Genf um die Grossaufträge, ging aber leer aus. Der Bundesrat erteilte «Oerlikon-Bührle» mit unbedeutenden Auflagen umgehend die Fabrikationsbewilligung. Bührles Lobbying erwies sich als wirksamer als jenes seiner Konkurrenten.

In der Uno leitete 1963 das Massaker von Sharpeville eine Wende ein.

Vollversammlung und Sicherheitsrat schritten vom Anti-Apartheidkonsens zur Tat und riefen alle Staaten dazu auf, gegen die Apartheidregierung Beugemassnahmen zu ergreifen. Die westlichen Staaten unterstützten die Uno-Resolutionen, solange sie keine obligatorischen Zwangsmassnahmen anordneten. Der Widerspruch zwischen verbaler Anti-Apartheidpolitik und faktischer Unterstützung der südafrikanischen Regierung veranlasste die Uno, sich ab Mitte der 1960er Jahre direkt an die Weltöffentlichkeit zu wenden.

Dies verlieh der Anti-Apartheidpolitik der Uno zunehmend Kampagnecharakter. Sie arbeitete eng mit Nichtregierungsorganisationen zusammen, um den Druck auf jene westlichen Regierungen zu erhöhen, die Südafrika unterstützten. Die Erfolgschancen dieser Methode stiegen in all jenen Ländern, in denen starke NGOs die Anti-Apartheidkampagne der Uno wirksam umsetzten. In der Schweiz waren in den 1960er Jahren allein Frauenrechtsorganisationen und die Gewerkschaften bereit, Uno-Menschenrechtsfragen aufzugreifen. Den Frauenrechtsorganisationen war es zu verdanken, dass die Schweiz aktiv am «Unesco»-Übereinkommen über die Bekämpfung der Diskriminierung im Unterrichtswesen von 1960 mitwirkte.

Der Bundesrat legte dieses dem Parlament allerdings nie zur Genehmigung vor. Deutlich nachhaltiger war der Einfluss der Gewerkschaften auf die Schweizer Südafrikapolitik in der« Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation (ILO). 1961 stimmten auch die Schweizer Regierungsvertreter im vorberatenden Ausschuss der 45. Session der Internationalen Arbeitskonferenz erstmals der moralischen Verurteilung der südafrikanischen Apartheidpolitik zu.

Gegen den Widerstand des Südafrika-freundlicheren Politischen Departements setzte der Direktor des «Bundesamts für Industrie, Gewerbe und Arbeit» (Biga) die Position durch, die erfolgreiche Fortentwicklung der multilateralen Zusammenarbeit in der «ILO sei höher zu gewichten als die bilateralen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika. Entsprechend unterstützten die Schweizer Regierungsvertreter an der 48. Session der Internationalen Arbeitskonferenz von 1964 erneut eine weitgehende Resolution, die die südafrikanische Apartheidpolitik verurteilte und die Grundlage für ein langjähriges ILO-Programm gegen die Apartheid bildete. Wie die Analyse des Wellenschlags der übrigen Uno-Südafrika-Diskussionen in die breit auf[1]gefächerte schweizerische Behörden- und Verbandslandschaft deutlich machte, war die fall[1]weise Unterstützung der Antirassismuspolitik der Unesco und ILO aber singulär.

Die damals fehlende Bereitschaft, die Verstrickungen der Schweiz in die Shoah zu klären, übertrug sich auf die Verleugnung von Verstrickungen in die südafrikanische Apartheidpolitik. Südafrika galt als antibolschewistisches Bollwerk, das zwar zu unschönen Methoden griff, um seine prowestliche Politik durchzusetzen, in seinen antikommunistischen Bestrebungen aber uneingeschränkte Unterstützung verdiente. Entsprechend verweigerten Bundesrat und Verwaltung mit der Uno jegliche Zusammenarbeit, um das 1963 vom Sicherheitsrat zweifach angeordnete Waffenembargo durchzusetzen.

Aus Schweizer Sicht bestand kein Anlass, gegen die südafrikanische Regierung Beugemassnahmen zu ergreifen. Aufgrund einer ungeschickten Informationspolitik von Bundesrat und «Oerlikon-Bührle» sah sich die Schweizer Regierung im Dezember 1963 zwar aus innenpolitischen Gründen gezwungen, die Waffenausfuhr nach Südafrika zu stoppen. Dieser Stopp war aber als vorübergehend konzipiert. Von einem politischen Willen, diesen Stopp wirksam durchzusetzen, fehlte jede Spur.

Nach dem sogenannten Stopp der Waffenausfuhr nach Südafrika von 1963 Der politische Wille blieb in den massgebenden Kreisen der Schweiz allgegenwärtig, die südafrikanische Regierung beim Ausbau der Streitkräfte und rüstungsindustriellen Basis zu unterstützen. Dieser Wille war nicht auf die Dunkelkammern des Nachrichtendienstes und einiger gewinnsüchtiger Rüstungsindustrieller beschränkt, sondern in Behörden und Exportindustrie verbreitet. Es gibt keinen Hinweis darauf, dass diese in ihren Kontakten zu Vertretern der südafrikanischen Verwaltung, Streitkräfte oder Industrie jemals Menschenrechtsfragen angesprochen hätten.

Es finden sich aber zahlreiche Belege, dass die führenden Kreise in der Schweiz ohne nähere Überprüfung des Arguments die Behauptung der südafrikanischen Regierung unterstützten, sie allein garantiere, dass das strategisch wichtige Land mitsamt den an ihm vorbeiführenden Seerouten nicht in kommunistische Hand fiel. Zwar missfielen die Apartheid und die Methoden zu deren Absicherung manchen Spitzenbeamten und Politikern in der Schweiz. Im Kern ging der tatsächliche oder vermeintliche Kampf gegen den Kommunismus aber allen andern Überlegungen vor.

Ab 1965 war in der Schweiz ein südafrikanischer Militärattaché akkreditiert. 1966 knüpften der damalige Generalstabschef der Schweizer Armee, Paul Gygli, und Oberst Helmut von Frisching von der «Untergruppe Nachrichten und Abwehr (UNA) zum Chef des «südafrikanischen Heeres, General Charles Alan Fraser, ausgesprochen herzliche Kontakte. Auf Vorschlag Gyglis reiste eine südafrikanische Militärmission nach der Schweiz, um im Hinblick auf die Streitkräftereform Südafrikas das Rekrutierungs- und Ausbildungssystem der Schweizer Armee kennen zu lernen. Auf besonderes Interesse stiess beim militärischen Nachrichtendienst Südafrikas die Art und Weise, wie die Schweizer Armee im Rahmen der «psychologischen Kriegführung» so genannt «Subversive» bekämpfte.

Kaum hatte die südafrikanische Regierung mit Unterstützung des US-Geheimdienstes «CIA» 1969 das berüchtigte «Bureau of State Security» (BOSS) als zivilen Nachrichtendienst errichtet, unterhielt dessen nicht minder berüchtigter Chef, General Hendrik Van Bergh, persönliche Kontakte zu Vertretern der Partnerdienste in der Schweiz. 1974 führte die «BOSS»-Abteilung «Z-Squad» von der Schweiz aus eine der ersten von der südafrikanischen Regierung angeordneten aussergerichtlichen Ermordungen eines schwarzen Oppositionellen durch.

Ab 1972 bauten auf Bestreben des damaligen UNA-Chefs Oberstbrigadier Carl Weidenmann auch die militärischen Nachrichtendienste der Schweiz und Südafrikas einen engen Informationsaustausch auf. 1974 unternahm Brigadier Friedrich Günther-Benz zwei Reisen nach Südafrika und liess in einem breit gestreuten Bericht keine Zweifel an der Unterstützung der südafrikanischen Regierungspolitik offen. 1975 war der Chef Abteilung Nachrichtendienst in der UNA, Oberst i Gst Peter Hoffet, mitsamt Frau und Tochter während drei Tagen Gast des südafrikanischen Militärattaché.

«Oerlikon-Bührle»war skrupelos und wurde vom Schweizer Politfilz gedeckt

Vor diesem Hintergrund wundert es wenig, dass sich «Oerlikon-Bührle» nicht an den sogenannten Waffenausfuhrstopp von 1963 gebunden fühlte und zwischen Sommer 1964 und Mai 1965 nicht nur die vom Ausfuhrstopp betroffenen 30 Oerlikon 35-mm-Geschütze illegal nach Südafrika auslieferte, sondern im August 1965 einen weiteren Grossauftrag annahm, um zusätzliche 90 Oerlikon 35-mm-Geschütze für 52,7 Mio. Franken und – über Italien – 45 Superfledermaus-Feuerleitgeräte für 54 Mio. Franken nach Südafrika zu liefern. Selbst nachdem im Zuge des Bührle-Skandals vom November 1968 ein Teil dieser illegalen Geschäfte bekannt wurde – die widerrechtliche Lieferung von 36 Geschützen und Munition für 54 Mio. Franken nach Südafrika – fuhr «Oerlikon-Bührle» fort, das illegale Geschäft noch abzuschliessen.

Die letzten 16 Geschütze wurden im August 1969 über den Hafen von Genua nach Südafrika verschifft, was den Schweizer Behörden bekannt war, aber nie Gegenstand der damals laufenden Strafuntersuchungen wurde. Die Behörden übten sich konsequent in fahrlässiger Ahnungslosigkeit, bewusster Duldung und aktiver Mitwirkung, was die illegalen Geschäfte von «Oerlikon-Bührle» erst möglich machte. Wie neue Dokumente aus Südafrika erstmals belegen, ging zudem das illegale Rüstungsgeschäft mit dem Apartheidstaat weit über den «Oerlikon-Bührle-Konzern hinaus.

Auch die «Hispano Suiza (Suisse) SA» in Genf lieferte im grossen Stil illegal 20-mm-Geschütze nach Südafrika. Grundlage bildete ein Liefervertrag von 1967 für 126 Hispano-20-mm-Geschütze, Munition und die Übertragung von Lizenzrechten im Wert von über 21 Mio. Franken. Per Bundesratsentscheid wurde 1969 eine Ausdehnung der Strafuntersuchung über die «Oerlikon[1]Bührle AG» hinaus auf politischem Weg ausgeschlossen.

Von der Verwaltung gedultete, widerrechtliche Kriegsmaterialgeschäfte führte auch die «Autophon AG» in Solothurn durch, die der südafrikanischen Staatspolizei ab 1966 für 3 Mio. Franken Radioverbindungsmaterial mit Sendern und Empfängern lieferte. Wie weit die Mitwirkung der zuständigen Behörden bei der Verletzung des Kriegsmaterialbeschlusses ging, zeigt ein weiterer Vorfall vom Februar 1965. Das Politische Departement erhielt Kenntnis davon, dass die Kriegstechnische Abteilung entgegen allen Anordnungen des Bundesrats in eigener Kompetenz «Oerlikon-Bührle» die Bewilligung ausstellte, für 232’000 Franken Bestandteile zu 35-mm-Fliegerabwehrgeschützen nach Südafrika zu liefern. Auch das Politische Departement sah keinen Anlass, dieses widerrechtliche Geschäft vertieft abzuklären.

Der Kriegsmaterialbeschluss von 1949 enthielt so viele legale Schlupflöcher, das Rüstungsgeschäft mit Südafrika fortzusetzen, dass dieses nur in Ausnahmefällen – «Oerlikon-Bührle», «Hispano-Suiza», «Autophon» – rechtswidrig erfolgte. Das Kriegsmaterialgesetz von 1972 machte diese Schlupflöcher noch weitmaschiger. In seine Bestandteile zerlegtes Kriegsmaterial winkten die Zollorgane nach Südafrika durch. Davon profitierte neben «Oerlikon-Bührle» auch die«Degen & Co. AG»in Niederdorf, deren Zünderbestandteillieferungen per Bundesratsentscheid nicht mehr als Kriegsmaterial galten.

Mit Unterstützung des damaligen Verteidigungsministers Giulio Andreotti und Geheimdienstchefs General Egidio Viggiani unterliefen die «Contraves Italiana» in Rom und die «Oerlikon Italiana» in Mailand in grossem Stil das italienische Waffenausfuhrverbot nach Südafrika. Die Schweizer Behörden unterstützten die Unterlaufung des Waffenembargos über Tochter- und Partnerfirmen in den Nachbarstaaten, indem sie bei der Zulieferung von Bestandteilen aus der Schweiz keine Endverbraucherbescheinigungen forderten, so dass diese von dort problemlos nach Südafrika weitergeschoben werden konnten.

Das wohl wichtigste Schlupfloch bildete die Weigerung der Schweiz, die Uno-Resolution 182 (1963) vom 4. Dezember 1963 umzusetzen, die alle Staaten aufrief, den Verkauf und die Auslieferung von Ausrüstungsgütern und Material zu stoppen, das in Südafrika zur Herstellung und den Unterhalt von Waffen und Munition diente.

Erst 1996 unterstellte die Schweiz die Übertragung von Lizenzrechten zur Herstellung von Rüstungsgütern sowie andere Beihilfen zum Aufbau einer Rüstungsproduktion im Ausland einer Bewilligungspflicht. Das «Lyttelton Engineering Works» in Pretoria fertigte ab 1964 Läufe zur 35-mm-Oerlikon-Kanone und ab Anfang der 1970er Jahre ganze Geschütze. Die «Pretoria Metal Pressings fertigte gestützt auf Lizenzverträge mit der Werkzeugmaschinenfabrik «Oerlikon Bührle»ab 1964 Oerlikon 30- mm- und 35-mm-Munition, die «African Explosives» and Chemical Industries» die dafür benötigten Treibladungsmittel. Ab 1967 fertigte Südafrika auch die 20-mm-Geschützläufe und -Munition der «Hispano Suiza in Lizenz.

Auch «Contraves», «Wild Heerbrugg AG», «BBC» und «SBG» waren involviert

Um 1964 stieg die«Plessey (South Africa) Ltd. in die Fertigung von «Contraves Mosquito» Panzerabwehrraketen ein, wobei diese Lizenzproduktion nicht restlos geklärt werden konnte. Dies gilt auch für die Fertigung von «Tavaro»Zünder-Bestandteilen durch die«Instrument Manufacturing Corp of South Africa» in Plumstead bei Kapstadt. 1972 schloss die «Gretag AG» Regensdorf in Südafrika einen Lizenzvertrag zu Fertigung ihrer Chiffriergeräte ab. 1974 stieg die Tochtergesellschaft der «Wild Heerbrugg AG»im St. Gallischen Rheintal, die «Wild (South Africa) » in Johannesburg, in die Fertigung optischer Geräte für die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte ein. All diese Lizenzübertragungen waren von Zulieferungen und technischen Beratungsdienstleistungen begleitet. All dies wurde von den weitmaschigen Bestimmungen der Schweizer Kriegsmaterialausfuhrregelungen nicht erfasst. Weder in der Industrie noch bei den Behörden wurden jemals Stimmen laut, die sich gegen die Nutzung dieser Schlupflöcher ausgesprochen hätten.

Die Militär- und Nuklearsanktionen der Uno von 1977 und die Schweiz Anfang der 1970er Jahre leiteten die Vereinten Nationen einen intensiven Diskussionsprozess über die Frage ein, inwiefern internationale Wirtschaftsbeziehungen auf die Lage der Menschenrechte einwirkten. Einige Uno-Gremien gingen sehr weit, indem sie behaupteten, jegliche wirtschaftliche, politische und kulturelle Tätigkeit in Südafrika trage zur Erhaltung der Apartheidpolitik bei. Indem die schweizerische Aussenpolitik grundsätzlich bestritt, dass zwischen Direktinvestitionen in Südafrika und gegenseitigen Handels- und Finanzbeziehungen einerseits und der Lage der Menschenrechte in Südafrika andererseits ein Zusammenhang bestand, markierte sie auf der anderen Seite der Skala eine Extremposition.

Nachdem die politische Verunsicherung, die 1976 das Massaker von Soweto und die darauf folgende Repressionswelle innerhalb und ausserhalb Südafrikas in der Schweizer Regierung erneut kaum Spuren hinterliess, sah sie sich auf internationaler Ebene zunehmend isoliert. In dem Masse, wie sich die soziale Basis des Widerstandes in Südafrika Anfang der 1980er Jahre verbreiterte und die Repression der südafrikanischen Regierung härter wurde und sich militarisierte, rückte die Schweiz auf internationaler Ebene noch näher an Südafrika heran. Im Uno-System lag die Hoffnung der Schweizer Diplomatie nun ganz darauf, dass die afrikanischen Staaten und andere Kritiker der Apartheidpolitik in Südafrika in ihren Resolutionsentwürfen so extreme Positionen einbrachten, dass ein Nein leicht zu begründen war. Als die Gruppe der 77» ab 1985 unter Führung Ägyptens dazu überging, differenziertere Resolutionen zu formulieren, um auch die letzten Neinsager wie die USA, Israel oder die Schweiz in den weltweiten Anti-Apartheid-Konsens einzubinden, erhöhte dies nicht etwa die Verhandlungsbereitschaft der Schweiz, sondern verstärkte deren Isolation.

1984/85 rief die südafrikanische Regierung den Ausnamezustand aus.

Alle anderen Staaten schlossen sich dem Ruf nach mehr oder weniger weitgehenden Sanktionen an. Die Schweiz war mit ihrem absoluten Nein im Uno-System nun sehr einsam geworden. Parallel schlossen sich auch in der Verwaltung die Reihen. Eine differenzierte Haltung an einer Konferenz im Uno-System lässt sich letztmals 1981 nachweisen, als die Schweizer Delegation in der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation (ILO) einer weitreichenden Anti-Apartheid-Erklärung, der Einsetzung eines Anti-Apartheid-Ausschusses und einem umfassenden Aktionsplan gegen die Apartheid zustimmten. Nach 1981 finden sich in der schweizerischen Bundesverwaltung keine Vorschläge mehr, an multilateralen Konferenzen des Uno-Systems abweichenden Positionen zu vertreten, obschon dies angesichts des permanenten Ausnahmezustandes in Südafrika besonders dringend gewesen wäre, um eine internationale Totalisolation der Schweiz zu vermeiden.

Abgesehen von den bilateral konzipierten, aber nicht aktiv aussenpolitisch vertretenen «positiven Massnahmen» der Direktion für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und humanitäre Hilfe (DEH) etablierte sich über alle sieben Departemente hinweg eine gegenüber konkreten Veränderungen immune und insofern stark ideologisierte Haltung, die nicht in der Lage war, auf die uneinheitliche, ein breites Spektrum abdeckende Uno-Südafrika-Diskussion differenziert zu reagieren. Innenpolitisches Gegenstück dieser starren Haltung bildete eine Verhärtung der Fronten entlang des links-rechts-Schemas, das unfähig zu Kompromissen war. Die Selbstverständlichkeit, mit der alle wichtigen Bundesämter und die mit ihnen verbundenen Verbände und Anstalten die Politik unterstützten, die Schweiz in der Südafrikafrage ausserhalb der überwältigenden Mehrheit der Uno-Mitgliedstaaten zu positionieren, mag heute überraschen. Gerade diese Selbstverständlichkeit bestätigt indes, dass der Konsens breit war.

Grundlage bildete ein stärker auf ideologischen Vorstellungen als auf konkreten Analysen beruhender Anti-Kommunismus, der in Südafrika allein durch die weisse Minderheitsregierung garantiert zu sein schien. Der Aufschwung der militärischen und rüstungsindustriellen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika, 1976–1990 Dieser anhand der im Schweizerischen Bundesarchiv überlieferten Akten über die Beziehungen der Schweiz zur Uno gewonnene Befund wird in den Dokumenten aus schweizerischen und südafrikanischen Militärarchiven bestätigt. Die militärischen und rüstungsindustriellen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika erfuhren in den 1980er Jahren eine deutliche Vertiefung. Ab 1980 liess sich der bisher in Rom, Köln oder Wien stationierte südafrikanische Militärattaché in Bern nieder, während inzwischen viele andere Staaten nicht mehr bereit waren, südafrikanische Militärattachés zu akkreditieren.

Es kam zu zahlreichen direkten Kontakten zwischen den Verteidigungsministerien Südafrikas und der Schweiz sowie zwischen den südafrikanischen Streitkräften und der Schweizer Armee. Militärverwaltung und Truppen empfingen südafrikanische Militärdelegationen zu Studienreisen über die Panzerausbildung, über die Ausgestaltung der Wehrpflicht, über eine wirksame Strukturierung der Militärverwaltung, militärischen Finanzplanung, Logistik-Funktionen der Armee und zeigten sich bereit, Erfahrungen betreffend «Militärpolitik», «Strategie» und «Luftwaffe» auszutauschen.

Trotz Widerstand der Bundespolizei traf sich der südafrikanische Sanitätsarzt 1980 auch mit dem Schweizer Oberfeldarzt; weitere Treffen folgten. Nahmen 1977 das Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten und 1979 das Militärprotokoll noch gegen den Austausch von Offizieren der Flieger- und Flabtruppen zwischen den beiden Staaten Stellung, leitete Flugwaffenchef Arthur Moll 1980 eine Wende ein. Er traf den südafrikanischen Luftwaffenchef an der Flugschau in Farnborough und lud diesen zum Erstaunen seines Partners wenige Tage später zu einem offiziellen Besuch nach der Schweiz ein.

Schweizer Offiziere wollten mit der südafrikanischen Luftwaffe zusammenarbeiten

 Grundlage bildete das 1983 abgeschlossene Geheimschutzabkommen. Damit erhielten die südafrikanischen Militärpiloten Einblick in geheime Methoden der Kampfführung und technische Einzelheiten der Schweizer Flugwaffe. Der Pilotenaustausch setzte sich während den ganzen 1980er Jahren fort. Neben der militärisch-technischen ist auch die militärisch-politische Ebene zu beachten. Mit der Verschärfung der gesellschaftlichen Konflikte innerhalb Südafrikas und dem sich erhöhenden internationalen Druck auf Südafrika von aussen bauten die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte im Verlauf der 1980er Jahre ihre Propagandatätigkeit massiv aus. Die Streitkräfte und vor allem der militärische Nachrichtendienst scheuten zur Durchsetzung ihrer sogenannten Comops»-Projekte – Comops» steht für Communication operations – weder Geld noch Kontakte bis hin zu gewaltbereiten rechtsextremen Kräften. In der Schweiz baute der südafrikanische Militärattaché und andere Kontaktpersonen Kontakte zu teilweise schillernden Figuren am äussersten rechten Rand des politischen Spektrums auf, darunter zu Jürg Meister, Chefredaktor der von Karl Friedrich Grau herausgegebenen «intern informationen».

Wie aus den Unterlagen des militärischen Nachrichtendienstes Südafrikas hervorgeht, mass dieser dem Kontakt zu Leuten wie dem Zürcher «Subversivenjäger» Ernst Cincera, dem Leiter des Schweizerischen Ostinstituts, Peter Sager, und dem Präsidenten der Arbeitsgruppe südliches Afrika, Christoph Blocher, grosse Bedeutung zu. Comops»Operationen in der Schweiz betrafen Pressionsversuche auf Fernsehen, Radio und Printmedien sowie die Mitwirkung an Sportanlässen, allen voran Militärsportanlässen wie dem internationalen Zweitagemarsch in Bern. Erst als andere Staaten wie die Niederlande drohten, den Zweitagemarsch zu boykottieren, falls die südafrikanischen Streitkräfte weiterhin mit grossen Delegationen vertreten seien, durften diese ab 1988 nur noch in zivil teilnehmen.

Proteste der «Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung der Schweiz waren ungehört geblieben. Mehr Fragen als Antworten werfen eine lange Reihe unaufgeklärter Fälle auf, bei denen die Schweizer Bundespolizei und andere Untersuchungsorgane starke Hinweise auf Verbrechen und Sanktionsbrüche erhielten, aus Rücksichtnahme auf die südafrikanische Regierung und ihre prominenten Freunde in der Schweiz aber davor zurückschreckte, die beschafften Informationen gerichtlich zu verwerten. Im Falle einer bekannten Rüstungsfirma in der Ostschweiz, die im grossen Stil Waffenschiebergeschäfte mit Südafrika abschloss, begnügte sich die Bundespolizei damit, der Konzernspitze zu empfehlen, einen auf diesem Feld eher ungeschickt operierenden Mitarbeiter aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen und dafür zu sorgen, dass die Schiebereien diskreter abgewickelt wurden.

Sehr weit ging die Zusammenarbeit der Eidgenössischen «Pulverfabrik Wimmis mit dem führenden südafrikanischen Hersteller von Munition und Treibladungspulver «Somchem». «Wimmis» stellte der «Somchem» 1979 via Oerlikon-Bührle AG» eine Produktionslizenz für Treibladungspulver für 20-mm- und 35-mm-Munition zur Verfügung, bildete «Somchem-Ingenieure in top[1]geheimen Anlagen in «Wimmis» aus und hielt sich mit ihren Spitzenkräften, darunter dem Direktor und dem Chefchemiker, mehrfach während Wochen bei der «Somchem» auf, um aufgetretene Probleme bei der Lizenzproduktion und der übrigen Herstellung militärischer Explosivstoffe zu lösen. «Oerlikon-Bührle»gewährte im Rahmen des Projektes «Sleeve» und «Skavot» im grossen Stil technische und Management-Hilfe zur Fortentwicklung des 35-mm-Fliegerabwehrsystems.

Zahlreiche weitere solcher topgeheimen Geschäfte liessen sich für die 1980er Jahre nachweisen, die Südafrika mit Unterstützung des militärischen Geheimdienstes in der Schweiz abwickelte, darunter vom Heer das Projekt «Floor», «Jansalie», «Algebra», «Fargo» und «Nack», von der südafrikanischen Luftwaffe das Projekt «Divorce» und «Finial» betreffend Flugplatz-Navigation, ein weiteres Projekt, um Probleme der Materialermüdung bei Mirage[1]Flugzeugen zu beheben, das Projekt «Aquila», das die Beschaffung von Ausrüstungsgütern im Raume Genf betraf, das Projekt «Janito»r, das dem Aufbau eines integriert zivil-militärischen Luftraumüberwachungssystems galt, oder die Projekte «Alexandri» und «Bessie», die die südafrikanische Flotte in den 1980er Jahren in der Schweiz abwickelte. Ohne Einblick in die einschlägigen Archive der mitwirkenden Firmen bleibt freilich im Dunkeln, welchen Umfang und welche Bedeutung diesen Projekten im Einzelnen zukam.

Gemessen an der gesamten Rüstungsmaschinerie Südafrikas dürften diese rüstungsindustriellen Beziehungen der Schweiz zum Apartheidstaat nicht grundsätzlich ins Gewicht gefallen sein. Gemessen an der politischen Brisanz, die mit diesen Geschäften verbunden war, bleibt gestützt auf die südafrikanischen Militärakten festzuhalten:

Der Schweizerische Bundesrat hatte am 16. April 2003 allen Grund, die Einsicht in Südafrika-Akten in der Schweiz zu stoppen. Denn es sind in der Schweiz viele, die aus tiefer politischer Überzeugung die Apartheidregierung in Südafrika unterstützt und am völkerrechtswidrigen und völkerrechtskonformen Geschäft mit dieser kräftig mitverdient haben.

Deren Aufklärung erscheint unumgänglich, wenn den laufenden Bestrebungen der Uno und auch der Schweiz, die Wirtschaft stärker in eine präventiv ausgerichtete Menschenrechtspolitik einzubeziehen, zum Durchbruch verholfen werden soll. Die Nuklearbeziehungen der Schweiz zu Südafrika Südafrika stieg bereits in den 1950er Jahren zum grössten Uranproduzenten der Welt auf.

Schweiz-Südafrika: Die Uran-Deals in den 70er Jahren

Noch in den 1970er Jahren war Südafrika das einzige Land, das bereit war, Uran ohne Auflagen gegen die Weiterverbreitung von Atomwaffen zu exportieren. Für die Schweiz, die wie Südafrika ein Atomwaffenprogramm unterhielt, aber über kein eigenes Uran verfügte, war Südafrika deshalb ein interessanter Partner und Lieferant. Die ab 1952 vom Bundesrat verfolgten Bestrebungen, von Südafrika Uran zu erhalten, fanden 1954 die Unterstützung der Schweizerischen Bankgesellschaft. Auch bei späteren Aktionen lautete das Ziel, das südafrikanische Uran ohne Auflagen zu erhalten («whether it would be sold unconditionally»).

Innerhalb der 1957 gegründeten Internationalen Atomenergieagentur (IAEA) in Wien vertraten die beiden Staaten – wie auch in anderen Uno-Organisationen – regelmässig ähnliche Positionen und unterstützten gegenseitig ihre Kandidaten für die Wahl in den Gouverneursrat.  Zwischen Donald Sole, der Südafrika im Gouverneursrat der IAEA vertrat, und dem Delegierten des Bundesrats für Atomenergie, Urs Hochstrasser, dessen Wahl in den Gouverneursrat Südafrika 1963 unterstützte, ergab sich eine enge Beziehung. Hochstrasser nutzte die Begegnungen mit Sole, um am Rande von internationalen Treffen die bilateralen Nuklearbeziehungen zwischen den beiden Staaten zu vertiefen und zu versuchen, aus Südafrika grosse Mengen an Uran zu beziehen, um damit staatliche Vorräte anzulegen.

Der südafrikanisch-israelische Atomwaffentest von 1979, den ein Vela-Satellit aufgrund des typischen Doppelblitzes als solchen erkannt hatte, löste in der Schweiz keine Überprüfung der Nuklearbeziehungen zu Südafrika aus. Das Politische Departement schenkte einseitig jenen Stimmen Glauben, die behaupteten, es habe sich um einen Fehlalarm gehandelt. Heute wissen wir, dass die Schweizer Diplomatie der falschen Seite Gehör geschenkt hatte. Wie Präsident Frederik Willem de Klerk am 24. März 1993 bekannt machte, baute Südafrika sechs Atombomben. Bereits im März 1969 meldete der Schweizer Botschafter in Pretoria ein erstes Mal nach Bern, die südafrikanische Regierung beanspruche für sich das «Recht, eine Atommacht mit eigenen Atombomben zu werden».

Das dafür benötigte spaltbare Material stammte aus der Urananreicherung, die Südafrika mit technischer Unterstützung aus der Schweiz, Deutschland und anderen Staaten aufbaute. Als Donald Sole 1968 vom südafrikanischen «Atomic Energy Board» den formellen Auftrag erhielt, in Europa Technologie zur Urananreicherung zu beschaffen, empfing ihn auch Urs Hochstrasser zu diesem Thema. 1970 unterhielt sich Hochstrasser am Rande einer «IAEA»-Konferenz mit dem Direktor des Atomic Energy Board of South Africa, Abraham J. A. Roux, über das südafrikanische Programm zur Urananreicherung und sicherte zu «abzuklären, ob seitens der schweizerischen Wirtschaft ein Interesse für eine Zusammenarbeit mit der südafrikanischen Industrie besteht. Im Hinblick auf die politischen Probleme wird es vermutlich am besten sein, wenn man die Angelegenheit auf die Ebene direkter privater Kontakte verlegt.»

Hochstrasser zeigte sich auch ein Jahr später «der politischen Implikationen einer Zusammenarbeit mit Südafrika bewusst. Eine offizielle Mitwirkung schweizerischer Amtsstellen kommt seines Erachtens nicht in Frage, dagegen sei gegen private Kontakte (namentlich der Privatindustrie)» zum südafrikanischen Programm für Urananreicherung «nichts einzuwenden». 1977 machte die Gebrüder Sulzer AG klar, dass sie hochsensitive Technologie an das südafrikanische Urananreicherungsprogramm liefern werde und lehnte «ausdrücklich jede politische Beurteilung ab.

Da es sich um ein Geschäft in dreistelliger Millionenhöhe’ handle, sei «Sulzer» gewillt, bis an die Grenze des rechtlich Machbaren zu gehen.» Die Lieferungen, deren Einzelheiten ungeklärt sind, erfolgten über die Tochtergesellschaft in Südafrika. Später lieferte auch die Firma «VAT Aktiengesellschaft für Vakuum-Apparate-Technik» in Haag (Kanton St. Gallen) Vakuumventile aus Aluminium nach Südafrika, die in der Urananreicherungsanlage eine wichtige Rolle spielten. Die Aktiengesellschaft «Brown, Boveri & Cie» in Baden (BBC), die über Jahrzehnte eine enge Geschäftsbeziehung zur südafrikanischen Elektrizitätsliefergesellschaft «Escom» (Electricity Supply Commission) unterhielt, bewarb sich 1975 für die Lieferung von zwei Turbogruppen und Zubehör von je 1000 Megawatt zum Bau des Atomkraftwerks «Koeberg im Werte von 3’230 Millionen Franken.

Der Bundesrat gewährte trotz internationaler Proteste die Exportrisikogarantie. Südafrika entschied sich indes für einen anderen Lieferanten. Im Juli 1979 gaben die USA bekannt, dass sie nicht bereit waren, Südafrika auf 3 Prozent angereichertes Uran zum Betrieb des im Bau befindlichen Atomkraftwerks «Koeberg» bei Kapstadt zu liefern, es sei denn, Südafrika schliesse sich dem internationalen Atomsperrvertrag an. Südafrika weigerte sich, worauf die Kernkraftwerk «Kaiseraugst» AG in die Lücke sprang und das für die Erstausstattung des AKW «Koeberg» benötigte leicht angereicherte Uran lieferte. Die AKW «Koeberg I und II» gingen 1984 und 1985 in Betrieb.

Ein Schweizer Konsortium («Elektrowatt», «Motor Columbus», «BBC», «Sulzer») bemühte sich bei Escom» um den Auftrag, den technischen Unterhalt des AKW «Koeberg» sicherzustellen, ging aber leer aus. Zwischen 1971 und 1985 pflegte das «Schweizerische Institut für Nuklearforschung» (SIN) in Villigen mit Südafrika auf dem Gebiete der Beschleunigertechnik und Urananreicherung eine enge wissenschaftlich-technische Zusammenarbeit, bildete südafrikanische Atomwissenschaftler aus und stellte die Grundlagen zum Bau eines südafrikanischen Beschleunigerrings zur Verfügung.

1985 intervenierte das Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten vergeblich im Bundesrat gegen die Teilnahme von SIN-Direktor Prof. Jean-Pierre Blaser an den Einweihungsfeierlichkeiten in Südafrika. Bundesrat Alfons Egli setzte sich nach Absprache mit Schulratspräsident Maurice Cosandey erfolgreich für die Reise ein. Die Schweiz bezog auch völkerrechtswidrig in Namibia abgebautes Uran. In der Schweiz niedergelassene Firmen handelten damit. Die politischen Behörden sahen trotz internationaler Proteste keinen Anlass einzugreifen.

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10 Jahre Syrien-Konflikt: Die Schweiz setzt sich für den Frieden ein und hilft mit 60 Millionen

Die Schweiz engagiert sich weiterhin aktiv für eine politische Lösung des Syrien-Konflikts. In zehn Jahren hat er das Land und die Region in eine beispiellose humanitäre Krise gestürzt. Unter dem Vorsitz der EU und der UNO fand in Brüssel am 30. März die fünfte Syrien-Konferenz statt. Die Schweiz, vertreten durch den Stellvertretenden Staatssekretär Johannes Matyassy, sprach 60 Millionen Franken zugunsten der Bevölkerung in Syrien und der Region.

Die Syrienkrise hat unzählige Gesichter. Mariam zieht mit ihrer sechsjährigen Tochter und ihren beiden noch jüngeren Söhnen von Lager zu Lager. Ihr Zuhause wurde zerstört, sie ist im neunten Monat schwanger, ihr Mann ist kürzlich ums Leben gekommen; und sie hat Geldsorgen. Da ist sie nicht allein. 10,5 Millionen Leidensgenossinnen und Leidensgenossen, die im Dauerkonflikt unter anderem Hunger und Durst leiden, sind gezwungen, bis zu 25 Prozent ihres Einkommens ausschliesslich für ihren Wasser-Mindestbedarf auszugeben. Nahrungs- und Wasserverknappung wird gezielt als Kriegswaffe eingesetzt. Medizinische Einrichtungen und humanitäre Helferinnen und Helfer bilden Angriffsziele; das sind schwerwiegende Verstösse gegen das humanitäre Völkerrecht. 

Der nunmehr zehn Jahre dauernde Syrienkonflikt hat zu einer der grössten humanitären Krisen unserer Zeit geführt. Die Zivilbevölkerung leidet anhaltend unter den gravierenden Folgen der bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen. Die Covid-19-Pandemie und die Wirtschaftskrise haben die Situation zusätzlich verschärft. Die humanitäre Lage ist prekär, die Bedürfnisse wachsen. Waren Anfang 2020 11 Millionen Menschen in Syrien auf humanitäre Hilfe angewiesen, sind es heute 13,4 Millionen. Die humanitäre Gemeinschaft steht vor einer immensen Aufgabe.

Hochrangige Konferenz zur Unterstützung der Bevölkerung Syriens und der Region

Als Reaktion auf die prekäre humanitäre Lage in Syrien und in der Region organisierten die UNO und die EU am 30. März zum fünften Mal in Folge eine hochrangige Konferenz, wo die internationale Gemeinschaft politische und finanzielle Unterstützung für Massnahmen in Richtung einer politischen Lösung des Konflikts und zugunsten der syrischen Bevölkerung sprach. Die humanitäre Hilfe muss fortgesetzt und gleichzeitig an die aktuellen Gegebenheiten angepasst werden. Johannes Matyassy, Stellvertretender Staatssekretär, an der fünften Syrienkonferenz der EU und der UNO am 30. März 2021 in Brüssel

Seit 2011 hat die Schweiz Jahr für Jahr die Bevölkerung Syriens im Land und in der Region unterstützt. Insgesamt 522 Millionen Franken wurden bereitgestellt: das grösste humanitäre Engagement in der Geschichte der Schweiz. 2021 spricht die Schweiz 60 Millionen Franken. Sie leistet Nothilfe, ermöglicht den Zugang zu wichtigen Dienstleistungen, unterstützt den Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung und ihrer Lebensgrundlagen. «Die humanitäre Hilfe muss fortgesetzt und gleichzeitig an die aktuellen Gegebenheiten angepasst werden», betont Johannes Matyassy, Stellvertretender Staatssekretär, an der virtuell durchgeführten fünften Syrienkonferenz der EU und der UNO. Die Schweiz fördert angesichts des langanhaltenden Konflikts und der sich ändernden Bedürfnisse deshalb auch die Resilienz der Bevölkerung.

Zudem engagiert sich die Schweiz als Gaststaat des UNO-Friedensprozesses für die Suche nach einer politischen Lösung des Konfliktes. Schliesslich setzt sie sich für die Achtung und Förderung des humanitären Völkerrechts und für die Bekämpfung der Straflosigkeit ein. «Wir werden keine Mühen scheuen, Syrien auf seinem Weg Richtung Frieden zu unterstützen», betont Johannes Matyassy. Wir werden keine Mühen scheuen, Syrien auf seinem Weg Richtung Frieden zu unterstützen. Johannes Matyassy, Stellvertretender Staatssekretär https://www.youtube.com/embed/mbVWLc7BKzU?modestbranding=1&color=white&iv_load_policy=3&rel=0 Johannes Matyassy, Stellvertretender Staatssekretär, vertrat die Schweiz an der fünften Konferenz zum Syrien-Konflikt am 30. März 2021 in Brüssel. Das Statement wurde in englischer Sprache aufgezeichnet.

Regionales Engagement der Schweiz

Der Syrien-Konflikt und seine verheerenden Auswirkungen belasten auch die Nachbarländer. Über 5,5 Millionen Menschen flohen aus Syrien in die umliegenden Länder. Deshalb reicht das Schweizer Engagement über die Grenzen Syriens hinaus.

Das Kooperationsprogramm 2019–2022 umfasst Syrien, Jordanien, den Libanon, den Irak sowie die Türkei. Die Ziele: konfliktbetroffene Menschen schützen und ihre Not lindern, ein friedliches Zusammenleben fördern sowie Perspektiven für die Betroffenen schaffen – und zwar in den Schwerpunktbereichen «Schutz und Migration», «Bildung und Einkommen», «Konfliktprävention und Friedensförderung» sowie «Wasser und sanitäre Anlagen». Das Programm verknüpft die internationale Zusammenarbeit mit der Migrationspolitik und unterstreicht das aktive Engagement der Schweiz in den Bereichen Konfliktprävention und Friedensförderung.

Drei strategische Ziele der MENA-Strategie für Syrien

Die Schweiz hat ein unmittelbares Interesse an der Förderung von Frieden, Menschenrechten, dem Schutz von Menschen in Not und von Stabilität in Syrien und in der gesamten Region. Dieses Engagement bildet in der MENA-Strategie (Middle East and North Africa) des Bundesrates einen thematischen Schwerpunkt. Die MENA-Strategie wurde am 14. Oktober 2020 verabschiedet und definiert die aussenpolitischen Prioritäten der Schweiz für die gesamte Region.

Die drei strategischen Ziele der MENA-Strategie für Syrien sind:

1.    Frieden, Sicherheit und Menschenrechte

2.    Humanitäre Hilfe

3.    Nachhaltigkeit 


Frieden, Sicherheit und Menschenrechte

Damit Spannungen abgebaut sowie Stabilität und Frieden gefördert werden, setzt die Schweiz auf ihre Instrumente der Friedenspolitik. Dazu gehören die Guten Dienste wie beispielsweise die Mediation (Vermittlung) zwischen Konfliktparteien. Als Gaststaat des UNO-Friedensprozesses in Genf setzt sich die Schweiz weiterhin für eine politische Lösung des Konflikts und für die Beteiligung der Zivilgesellschaft ein.

Humanitäre Hilfe und Nachhaltigkeit

Die Schweiz unterstützt Menschen in Not mit Nothilfe, Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung, Sicherung von Lebensgrundlagen und Zugang zu Basisdienstleistungen. Sie fördert die Resilienz der Bevölkerung, um die Abhängigkeit von humanitärer Hilfe zu verringern.

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Covid-19 in Nepal: Die Schweiz schickt 30 Tonnen humanitäre Hilfsgüter

Bern, 21.05.2021 – Die Schweiz unterstützt Nepal, wo eine äusserst prekäre Gesundheitssituation im Zusammenhang mit Covid-19 herrscht. Die Humanitäre Hilfe des Bundes schickt am Freitag, 21. Mai 2021, 1,1 Millionen Antigentests, 40 Beatmungsgeräte, 10 Sauerstoffkonzentratoren sowie Schutzmaterial nach Kathmandu. Die Gesamtkosten dieser humanitären Hilfsaktion betragen rund 7,5 Millionen Franken.

In Anbetracht der exponentiellen Zunahme der Covid-19-Fälle in Nepal und als Antwort auf den Hilfsappell der nepalesischen Behörden hat die Humanitäre Hilfe des Bundes umgehend einen Krisenstab gebildet, dem die Schweizer Botschaft in Kathmandu, das Krisenmanagement-Zentrum (KMZ) und das Staatssekretariat des Eidgenössischen Departements für auswärtige Angelegenheiten (EDA) angehören. In enger Zusammenarbeit mit dem Eidgenössischen Departement für Verteidigung, Bevölkerungsschutz und Sport (VBS) und dem Eidgenössischen Departement des Innern (EDI) wurde unter Berücksichtigung der aus Nepal gemeldeten Bedürfnisse eine Liste der humanitären Hilfsgüter erstellt.

Ein Frachtflugzeug startet heute Freitag von Zürich mit 30 Tonnen Material an Bord. Zur Hilfslieferung gehören neben 40 Beatmungsgeräten, die kostenlos von der Armeeapotheke zur Verfügung gestellt wurden, und 10 Sauerstoffkonzentratoren, welche die humanitäre Hilfe auf dem Privatmarkt erworben hat, ausserdem 1,1 Millionen vom Bundesamt für Gesundheit (BAG) bereitgestellte Antigentests sowie Schutzmaterial (Schutzanzüge, Handschuhe). Im Vorfeld wurde sichergestellt, dass diese Güter nicht für die Versorgung der Schweizer Bevölkerung benötigt werden.

In Kathmandu wird das Material von Verantwortlichen des Gesundheitsministeriums in Empfang genommen und anschliessend auf die verschiedenen Standorte verteilt (Spitäler). Die Schweizer Botschaft in Nepal steht in engem Kontakt mit allen bei dieser Hilfsaktion involvierten Ministerien. Sie spricht sich auch mit den anderen diplomatischen Vertretungen in Kathmandu ab, um die Koordination der internationalen Hilfe zu gewährleisten.

Nepal ist ein Schwerpunktland der Direktion für Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit (DEZA), die bereits 12 Millionen Franken für die Bewältigung der Covid-19-Pandemie im Land eingesetzt hat.

Die beim EDA angegliederte Humanitäre Hilfe des Bundes hat bereits am 6. Mai 2021 13 Tonnen Hilfsgüter in Nepals Nachbarland Indien geschickt (Beatmungsgeräte, Sauerstoffkonzentratoren). Die Humanitäre Hilfe verfolgt die Entwicklung der Gesundheitssituation in der Welt vor dem Hintergrund der Covid-19-Pandemie laufend und ist bereit, im Rahmen des Möglichen und auf entsprechende Ersuchen Unterstützung zu leisten.